Craniosacral therapy is a relatively new alternative healing modality that entails working with the cerebrospinal fluid which bathes our brain, spinal cord and peripheral nerves. It is a gentle treatment that involves ‘listening’ to the fluid’s subtle wave-like motions, known as the craniosacral rhythm. Through sensitive, yet specific, hands-on techniques the whole nervous system is affected by balancing and harmonising the craniosacral system (Agustoni 2008, p. 2; Milne 1995 vol 1, pp. 4-6). The main focus of this essay will be to describe my personal experience of a craniosacral healing session. This will include excerpts of an interview conducted with the practitioner, referred to throughout the paper as ‘Blue Wren’. Altered states of consciousness and shamanic principles involved will also be discussed, along with whether craniosacral therapy could be deemed a neoshamanistic practice.
Before beginning the healing, Blue Wren used a sage smudge stick to cleanse the treatment room and myself of negative energy. Having never experienced the ancient art of smudging, I was pleasantly surprised at the feeling of contentment and relaxation it invoked. As the treatment began Blue Wren stood silently away from the treatment table which she explained afterwards as being “a time in which I ground and centre myself. I go into a meditative state, expand my consciousness and open my heart centre.” An open heart centre is vital for craniosacral healing as the heart is considered the centre of perception (Ridley 2006, p. 30). She describes this ASC as one of “higher perception, awareness and intuition during which our heart centres connect.”
Blue Wren explained that “in this state of connectedness, the practitioner is able to ‘see’ what the client needs on all levels”. According to Agustoni (2008, p. 4), craniosacral therapy has the potential to impact on the physical, emotional, mental and spiritual levels. Milne (1995 vol 1, p. 80) refers to this mind-body-spirit complex as the “dreambody”. Craniosacral therapists work with the principle that the dreambody is capable of self-regulation, self-healing and maintenance of wellbeing. Trauma, whether it be physical, emotional or spiritual, is believed to reduce energy flow within the body and diminish the craniosacral rhythm. This may restrict, or even block, the dreambody’s self-healing capabilities which can potentially lead to disharmony and disease if left unresolved (Agustoni 2008, p. 7).
The treatment proceeded with Blue Wren placing her hands gently on different areas of my body. I felt progressively more relaxed; an altered state of consciousness in which I experienced a deepened sense of body awareness while my mind remained relatively alert. With Blue Wren’s hands placed under my pelvis, I had the sensation that my sacrum was twitching and throbbing, then see-sawing and swinging back and forth. She explained afterwards that this is “the body reorganising and releasing any restrictions or blockages”. Similar sensations were also experienced in other regions of my body during the healing. Although these felt as though the tissue and bone itself were making gross physical movements, Milne (1995 vol 2, p. 39) hypothesises that the motility is actually due to fluctuations in the client’s energy field.
During one of the head holds I felt an unusual movement coursing down my spine and then my sacrum seemed to become heavy or ‘full’. This sense of fullness lasted a few minutes before there was another coursing movement along my spine, this time upwards towards my head. When I told Blue Wren of this afterwards, she explained that during this particular hold she ‘listens’ to the craniosacral rhythm then, using her enhanced perception, follows the movement of the spinal fluid down into the sacrum. Here, she “induces a ‘still point’ during which the fluid is potentised by the chi. This is similar to awakening the kundalini energy. Then the craniosacral rhythm resumes and flows more harmoniously”. It was amazing to experience this sensation. Milne (1995 vol 2, p. 39) explains that kundalini is an ancient Hindu term depicting two serpents ascending the spine, intertwined. This represents the dance of the ida (female) energy and pingala (male) energy spiralling around a still point. Analogous to this belief, the ancient Chinese portray this dance as one between the energies of female yin and male yang. Again, this occurs around a still point, embodied as the centre point in the universal yin/yang symbol (Milne 1995 vol 2, p. 39).
Asked of her view on how craniosacral therapy works, Blue Wren described the healing power as a fusion of the universal energy (chi) and our two individual energies. She added that “in this ‘oneness’, universal energy channels through me into you and assists your dreambody in re-establishing harmony and health through inviting stillness”. Ridley (2006, pp. 53-54) describes stillness as a pause in the craniosacral rhythm during which healing occurs. Through the clearing of energy blockages and restrictions, the body’s own healing and regulating capabilities, and thus inner balance, are restored (Agustoni 2008, p. 3). Blue Wren also mentioned that spirit guides of both practitioner and client are present during healings. Both Brennan (1993, p. 54) and Milne (1995 vol 1, pp. 106-108), deem the presence of guides as very important in providing support and guidance during a healing.
At another stage during the healing while Blue Wren was touching my jaw and throat, it was as if the back of my eyelids had turned a brilliant light blue. It was a lovely experience and upon informing Blue Wren she explained that blue corresponds to the throat chakra. Angelo (1994, p. 64) and Brennan (1988, pp. 34, 48) agree that sky blue denotes the throat chakra which deals with true expression of the soul. Also, multiple times throughout the healing I felt as if I was on the verge of sleep when suddenly I would become alert and feel an ‘electric’ tingling sensation in my chest. This would quickly move downwards through my body into my lower legs. Telling Blue Wren of this she explained that all people experience different sensations during a healing. She thinks it most likely that what I felt was “stillness and then release”. This theory is supported by Milne (1995 vol 2, p. 41) who describes that during a still point clients often fall into a deep state of relaxation, close to that of sleep, during which major alterations and adjustments occur within the dreambody.
Looking back, I consider the healing involved elements of shamanism. Many aspects of the healing were ritualistic in nature, such as Blue Wren always using sage smudging to purify the treatment room and client of negative energy before commencing a healing. Likewise, she always uses the same ritual steps while standing back from the client to achieve “stillness and neutrality” within herself and an expansion of consciousness. Achieving this involves “breathing techniques, focus and silent invocations”. As mentioned earlier, it is in this ASC that Blue Wren receives intuitive guidance on what the client needs and how the treatment should proceed. This knowledge is provided by guides which are invited to attend the craniosacral healing and, along with other helping spirits, guide and support the session (Brennan 1993, p. 54; Milne 1995 vol 1, pp 106-108). This may be considered parallel to the shaman’s journey to another realm in which they encounter helping spirits that closely guide their healing work (von Stuckrad 2002).
The aforementioned “centring and grounding” that Blue Wren must achieve before commencing treatment could be regarded as analogous to connecting with Father Sky and Mother Earth referred to in Native American shamanism (Milne 1995 vol 1, p. 46). When asked how she became involved in alternative healing therapies Blue Wren explained that during a serious illness a “gifted natural therapist came into my life and healed me”. After this illness, though her interest in alternative therapies was ignited, she returned to her normal way of life. Several years later she was diagnosed with the even more life-threatening disease of cancer. For this also, she sought the treatment of alternative healers and has now been cancer-free for seven years. In this time, she has been studying and practising alternative therapies herself. Universal tales of ‘initiatory sickness’ exist, often involving near-fatal illnesses when the call to become a shaman is ignored (Milne 1995 vol 1, p 46; Jilek 2005). As quoted in the Tibetan Book of the Dead: “You can’t fight becoming a shaman. If you try, the ongons [spirits] will force you anyway (Freemantle & Trungpa 1975).”
Due to the various characteristics mentioned in this essay, I propose craniosacral therapy, as I have experienced it, to be shamanic healing. I also suggest that Blue Wren may be considered a new-age shaman, or ‘neoshaman’. Entering an altered, meditative state of consciousness is vital for perception of the craniosacral rhythm and also in accessing spiritual guidance from the ‘other world’ (Milne 1995 vol 1, p. 4 ;von Stuckrad 2002). Both of these occurred in our session along with the use of ritual, guided visualisation, breathing techniques and invocations which are commonly employed by traditional shamans in their healing practices (Milne 1995 vol 1, p. 46). Blue Wren is important in her community in the role of local healer but her role is distinct from that of the traditional shaman. This may be due to a neoshaman’s role often being confined to those within the community who are open to the alternative healing experience. In summation, I thoroughly enjoyed my experience of a craniosacral healing session. Afterwards I felt very relaxed and calm with a sense of ‘lightness’. However, it is very difficult to describe in words the sensations I felt and the experience as a whole. A quote by Rollin Becker (1997) says it nicely: “... if I talk about it, that isn’t what it is. How and why it works I don’t know, and if I did know, that wouldn’t be it”.
Reference List
Agustoni, D 2008, Craniosacral Rhythm: A practical guide to a gentle form of bodywork therapy, Elsevier Limited, London.
Angelo, J 1994, Your healing power, Piatkus, London.
Becker, RE 1997, The stillness of life, Rudra Press, Cambridge.
Brennan, BA 1988, Hands of light: A guide to healing through the human energy field, Bantam Books, New York.
Brennan, BA 1993, Light emerging: The journey of personal healing, Bantam Books, New York.
Freemantle, F & Trungpa, C 1975, The Tibetan book of the dead, Shambala, Boston.
Jilek, WG 2005, ‘Transforming the shaman: Changing western views of shamanism and altered states of consciousness’, Articulo de Investigacion, vol. 7, no. 1, pp. 8-15.
Milne, H 1995, The heart of listening 1: A visionary approach to craniosacral work, North Atlantic Books, Berkeley.
Milne, H 1995, The heart of listening 2: A visionary approach to craniosacral work, North Atlantic Books, Berkeley.
Ridley, C 2006, Stillness: Biodynamic cranial practice and the evolution of consciousness, North Atlantic Books, Berkeley.
von Stuckrad, K 2002, ‘Reenchanting nature: modern western shamanism and nineteenth-century thought’, Journal of the American Academy of Religion, vol. 70, no. 4, pp. 771-799.
Tuesday, May 10, 2011
Thursday, May 5, 2011
John Lockley: Modern Day Shaman
G. A-D.
John Lockley, or Uncingolwednaba, is a Xhosa sangoma, a Southern African Shaman. At his initiation in 2007, he was widely believed to be the first white man in recent history to have been initiated into Xhosa sangoma-hood (other white sangomas do exist but within different tribes). Non-African people are generally widely accepted in sangoma rituals, often participants in rituals are treated the same way African ‘patients’ would be, however it is exceedingly rare to have white Shamans (Binsbergen, 1991, p. 312).
As is traditional for Shamans, Lockley first received his call in a dream, followed by an extended period of serious illness. This process is a largely universal element in the call to shamanism; shamans of China, the Americas, and Korea, for example, all experience the prophetic dream and then physical illness, until they answer the ‘call’ from their ancestors or deities (Lee, 2009, p. 187; Walsh, 1994, p. 9). Sangomas call this process thwasa. As a white Southern African, when Lockley dreamed a sangoma appeared to him and commanded him to find a Xhosa instructor, he was unequipped to follow it. Growing up during apartheid, he was far removed from his ancestral heritage and so was largely unaware of the world of sangomas, his role within it, and how to respond to his “calling dream” (Lockley, You Cannot Choose to be a Sangoma, 2007).
After Lockley’s dream, he woke with welts and boils on his legs, from a tick bite. He went on, over the next seven years, to contract a number of illnesses and diseases, broken bones, and accidents. One could suggest that the ailments he suffered were situational, and coincidental, for example, tick bites are common, as are all of his sufferings; it is simply a matter of concentrated misfortune experienced by one person, but not interference by ancestors. However, Lockley approached a sangoma in the hope of an end to his issues. The sangoma, MaMgwevu, claimed to have received a dream from God about becoming the mentor to a person from a different culture, identified Lockley as this man, and then proceeding to train him in shamanism, overseeing his apprenticeship over ten years (Lockley, You Cannot Choose to be a Sangoma, 2007).
Uncingolwednaba’s specialty area as a sangoma is dance, or xentsa. Dance is an important aspect of shamanism as it provides a channel through which participants can have an active, satisfying engagement with the ritual. This feeling of involvement encourages a more positive outcome for the ritual, especially considering how the majority of illnesses clients bring to shamans are psychosomatic. To feel that one is physically, tangibly taking action to address a problem can often be a cure in itself, much like the placebo effect (O'Connell, 1983, p. 340).
One of the three areas in which Traditional Southern African healers are trained, xentsa is a dance based on the human heart beat, dancing in tune to it is “centring… brings inner peace, reduces anxiety, and brings about a sense of awareness and meaning” (Lockley, Healing Through Dance, 2005). Drumming, another universal trait of the shaman, is also an important element in sangoma ritual as it mimics the heart beat rhythmically (Jilek, 2005, p. 11). For Lockley, it provides an amplifier of sorts so other participants can dance to the same beat he is as he follows his heartbeat. Xentsa is the way sangomas and participants enter a deep meditative trance, allowing them to communicate with their ancestors within a dream, in a realm called ‘the river world’. Participants will receive a message through a vision which is then to be shared and learned from (Farrand, 1982, p. 68).
As a shaman, Uncingolwednaba also interacts with ancestors through divination, or ‘throwing bones’. It is one of the more common requests of clients, and involves the casting of a handful of objects (not just bones but shell, or various objects with meaning attached for the client like dice or dominoes), onto a mat, and then their configuration is interpreted or “read” by the sangoma. Knowledge of medicinal herbs is also important as sangomas are more often than not village doctors, and so curative brews, or muti, also need to be administered (Thornton, 2009, p. 24). People seek out the services of shamans like Lockley to address a range of physical, environmental and situational issues, from epilepsy, to mental illness, to bad luck; therefore almost anything perceived as negative can drive a person to seek a shaman. Sangoma clients are disproportionately women, senior, and, perhaps unsurprisingly, the main precursor to becoming a client is whether or not they have received a disability grant in the past (Nattras, 2005, p. 177).
Trance for Lockley is his conduit to help others through psychic consultation. Once he enters the altered state, he becomes extremely aware of the client’s life; “I can sense people’s obstacles: what’s wrong with them physically, psychologically and spiritually… and if they are or aren’t living according to their destiny (Lockley, You Cannot Choose to be a Sangoma, 2007).” He can also see what people need to do in order to appease their ancestors and live according to their destiny. The physical sensation, for him, is of a wind going through his body, as he is lifted to an ethereal realm where he is communicated with via words, imagery and motif.
Uncingolwednaba lives in Ireland teaching various workshops (as he was directed to do in a dream), but has also taught in greater Europe, the USA, as well as practicing in Xhosa communities. Lockley’s sangoma-hood is seen by some to lose its legitimacy due to his decision to live in Ireland as opposed to living in Xhosa communities of Southern Africa. At the time of writing, not a single black practicing sangoma could be located living outside of Africa. Lockley is also initiated in Zen Buddhism and Yoga, running a yoga centre in Galway. His diverse spirituality appears to be accepted by the Xhosa, however there is not enough empirical research available to discern how respected he is within Xhosa communities or whether he is seen as more of a transient novelty. It is, however, common for sangomas to live in urban areas, which itself is a progression from the traditionally rural communities in which Shamanism was practiced. They still practice and hold the same position in their communities, but their adaptation into the developing areas of their country shows a willingness to embrace the modernisation while integrating their traditional lifestyles successfully (Morgan & Reid, 2010, p. 381).
Lockley also presents a marriage between the traditional and the modern by having a relatively strong online presence. He has a fan generated page on ‘Facebook’, and while at the time of writing it boasts only eight fans, it is still the only page for a Xhosa sangoma (Various, 2011). He also contributes to video sharing site ‘youtube’. There are videos of him being interviewed, performing rituals, such as dancing or throwing the bones, but also of him in casual attire, speaking straight to the camera in a sermon of sorts, on the importance of honouring ancestors (Lockley, John Lockley, Xhosa Sangoma, Speaks About the Importance of Honouring our Ancestors , 2010). While there are also other videos of sangoma ritual (involving sangomas other than Lockley), it is the piece-to-camera videos he posts that are particularly interesting as they reflect his background in Buddhism; it is extremely common for Buddhist spiritualists to post such content, however highly uncommon for sangomas, especially Xhosa sangomas (at the time of writing none could be found).
John Lockley is a significant symbol of the willingness of traditional African spirituality to develop and progress in a rapidly changing world. Aside from the fact that he was even initiated, what Lockley has gone on to achieve in terms of teaching non Africans about shamanism and its universal relevance is to be commended. Traditional healing methods are becoming more and more common in western society, but the realm of alternative therapy is largely dominated by Asian philosophies like Buddhism and Chinese herbalism. Lockley is a major contributor to bringing traditional African healing processes to a global stage as a modern day shaman.
Works Cited
Binsbergen, W. V. (1991). Becoming a Sangoma: Religious Anthropological Field-Work in Francistown, Botswana. Journal of Religion in Africa, 11(4), 309-344.
Farrand, D. M. (1982). Dreams of a Sangoma or Indigenous Healer. Journal of African Studies, 9(2), 68-75.
Jilek, W. G. (2005). Transforming the Shaman: Changing Western Views of Shamanism and Altered States of Consciousness. Articulo de Investigacion, 7(1), 8-15.
Lee, J. (2009). Shamanism and its Emancipatory Power for Korean Women. Affilia, 24(2), 186-198.
Lockley, J. (2005, January 12). Healing Through Dance. (A. King, Interviewer) Galway, Ireland: Galway Independent.
Lockley, J. (2007, March 23). You Cannot Choose to be a Sangoma. (J. Ancer, Interviewer) South Africa: The Star.
Lockley, J. (2010, August 22). John Lockley, Xhosa Sangoma, Speaks About the Importance of Honouring our Ancestors . Retrieved May 1, 2011, from Youtube: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mJ2tIvO5w5E
Morgan, R., & Reid, G. (2010). 'I've Got Two Men and One Woman': Ancestors, Sexuality and Identity Among Same-Sex Identified Women Traditional Healers in South Africa',. Culture, Health & Sexuality, 5(5), 375-391.
Nattras, N. (2005). Who Consults Sangomas in Khayelitsha? An Exploratory Quantitative Analysis. Social Dynamics, 31(2), 161-182.
O'Connell, S. (1983). The Placebo Effect and Psychotherapy. Psychotherapy: Theory, Research and Practice, 20(3), 337-345.
Thornton, R. (2009). The Transmission of Knowledge in South African Traditional Healing. Africa, 79(1), 17-34.
Various. (2011, May 3). John Lockley. Retrieved May 3, 2011, from Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/pages/John-Lockley/160844777271115
Walsh, R. (1994). The Making of a Shaman: Calling, Training, Culmination. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 34(3), 7-30.
John Lockley, or Uncingolwednaba, is a Xhosa sangoma, a Southern African Shaman. At his initiation in 2007, he was widely believed to be the first white man in recent history to have been initiated into Xhosa sangoma-hood (other white sangomas do exist but within different tribes). Non-African people are generally widely accepted in sangoma rituals, often participants in rituals are treated the same way African ‘patients’ would be, however it is exceedingly rare to have white Shamans (Binsbergen, 1991, p. 312).
As is traditional for Shamans, Lockley first received his call in a dream, followed by an extended period of serious illness. This process is a largely universal element in the call to shamanism; shamans of China, the Americas, and Korea, for example, all experience the prophetic dream and then physical illness, until they answer the ‘call’ from their ancestors or deities (Lee, 2009, p. 187; Walsh, 1994, p. 9). Sangomas call this process thwasa. As a white Southern African, when Lockley dreamed a sangoma appeared to him and commanded him to find a Xhosa instructor, he was unequipped to follow it. Growing up during apartheid, he was far removed from his ancestral heritage and so was largely unaware of the world of sangomas, his role within it, and how to respond to his “calling dream” (Lockley, You Cannot Choose to be a Sangoma, 2007).
After Lockley’s dream, he woke with welts and boils on his legs, from a tick bite. He went on, over the next seven years, to contract a number of illnesses and diseases, broken bones, and accidents. One could suggest that the ailments he suffered were situational, and coincidental, for example, tick bites are common, as are all of his sufferings; it is simply a matter of concentrated misfortune experienced by one person, but not interference by ancestors. However, Lockley approached a sangoma in the hope of an end to his issues. The sangoma, MaMgwevu, claimed to have received a dream from God about becoming the mentor to a person from a different culture, identified Lockley as this man, and then proceeding to train him in shamanism, overseeing his apprenticeship over ten years (Lockley, You Cannot Choose to be a Sangoma, 2007).
Uncingolwednaba’s specialty area as a sangoma is dance, or xentsa. Dance is an important aspect of shamanism as it provides a channel through which participants can have an active, satisfying engagement with the ritual. This feeling of involvement encourages a more positive outcome for the ritual, especially considering how the majority of illnesses clients bring to shamans are psychosomatic. To feel that one is physically, tangibly taking action to address a problem can often be a cure in itself, much like the placebo effect (O'Connell, 1983, p. 340).
One of the three areas in which Traditional Southern African healers are trained, xentsa is a dance based on the human heart beat, dancing in tune to it is “centring… brings inner peace, reduces anxiety, and brings about a sense of awareness and meaning” (Lockley, Healing Through Dance, 2005). Drumming, another universal trait of the shaman, is also an important element in sangoma ritual as it mimics the heart beat rhythmically (Jilek, 2005, p. 11). For Lockley, it provides an amplifier of sorts so other participants can dance to the same beat he is as he follows his heartbeat. Xentsa is the way sangomas and participants enter a deep meditative trance, allowing them to communicate with their ancestors within a dream, in a realm called ‘the river world’. Participants will receive a message through a vision which is then to be shared and learned from (Farrand, 1982, p. 68).
As a shaman, Uncingolwednaba also interacts with ancestors through divination, or ‘throwing bones’. It is one of the more common requests of clients, and involves the casting of a handful of objects (not just bones but shell, or various objects with meaning attached for the client like dice or dominoes), onto a mat, and then their configuration is interpreted or “read” by the sangoma. Knowledge of medicinal herbs is also important as sangomas are more often than not village doctors, and so curative brews, or muti, also need to be administered (Thornton, 2009, p. 24). People seek out the services of shamans like Lockley to address a range of physical, environmental and situational issues, from epilepsy, to mental illness, to bad luck; therefore almost anything perceived as negative can drive a person to seek a shaman. Sangoma clients are disproportionately women, senior, and, perhaps unsurprisingly, the main precursor to becoming a client is whether or not they have received a disability grant in the past (Nattras, 2005, p. 177).
Trance for Lockley is his conduit to help others through psychic consultation. Once he enters the altered state, he becomes extremely aware of the client’s life; “I can sense people’s obstacles: what’s wrong with them physically, psychologically and spiritually… and if they are or aren’t living according to their destiny (Lockley, You Cannot Choose to be a Sangoma, 2007).” He can also see what people need to do in order to appease their ancestors and live according to their destiny. The physical sensation, for him, is of a wind going through his body, as he is lifted to an ethereal realm where he is communicated with via words, imagery and motif.
Uncingolwednaba lives in Ireland teaching various workshops (as he was directed to do in a dream), but has also taught in greater Europe, the USA, as well as practicing in Xhosa communities. Lockley’s sangoma-hood is seen by some to lose its legitimacy due to his decision to live in Ireland as opposed to living in Xhosa communities of Southern Africa. At the time of writing, not a single black practicing sangoma could be located living outside of Africa. Lockley is also initiated in Zen Buddhism and Yoga, running a yoga centre in Galway. His diverse spirituality appears to be accepted by the Xhosa, however there is not enough empirical research available to discern how respected he is within Xhosa communities or whether he is seen as more of a transient novelty. It is, however, common for sangomas to live in urban areas, which itself is a progression from the traditionally rural communities in which Shamanism was practiced. They still practice and hold the same position in their communities, but their adaptation into the developing areas of their country shows a willingness to embrace the modernisation while integrating their traditional lifestyles successfully (Morgan & Reid, 2010, p. 381).
Lockley also presents a marriage between the traditional and the modern by having a relatively strong online presence. He has a fan generated page on ‘Facebook’, and while at the time of writing it boasts only eight fans, it is still the only page for a Xhosa sangoma (Various, 2011). He also contributes to video sharing site ‘youtube’. There are videos of him being interviewed, performing rituals, such as dancing or throwing the bones, but also of him in casual attire, speaking straight to the camera in a sermon of sorts, on the importance of honouring ancestors (Lockley, John Lockley, Xhosa Sangoma, Speaks About the Importance of Honouring our Ancestors , 2010). While there are also other videos of sangoma ritual (involving sangomas other than Lockley), it is the piece-to-camera videos he posts that are particularly interesting as they reflect his background in Buddhism; it is extremely common for Buddhist spiritualists to post such content, however highly uncommon for sangomas, especially Xhosa sangomas (at the time of writing none could be found).
John Lockley is a significant symbol of the willingness of traditional African spirituality to develop and progress in a rapidly changing world. Aside from the fact that he was even initiated, what Lockley has gone on to achieve in terms of teaching non Africans about shamanism and its universal relevance is to be commended. Traditional healing methods are becoming more and more common in western society, but the realm of alternative therapy is largely dominated by Asian philosophies like Buddhism and Chinese herbalism. Lockley is a major contributor to bringing traditional African healing processes to a global stage as a modern day shaman.
Works Cited
Binsbergen, W. V. (1991). Becoming a Sangoma: Religious Anthropological Field-Work in Francistown, Botswana. Journal of Religion in Africa, 11(4), 309-344.
Farrand, D. M. (1982). Dreams of a Sangoma or Indigenous Healer. Journal of African Studies, 9(2), 68-75.
Jilek, W. G. (2005). Transforming the Shaman: Changing Western Views of Shamanism and Altered States of Consciousness. Articulo de Investigacion, 7(1), 8-15.
Lee, J. (2009). Shamanism and its Emancipatory Power for Korean Women. Affilia, 24(2), 186-198.
Lockley, J. (2005, January 12). Healing Through Dance. (A. King, Interviewer) Galway, Ireland: Galway Independent.
Lockley, J. (2007, March 23). You Cannot Choose to be a Sangoma. (J. Ancer, Interviewer) South Africa: The Star.
Lockley, J. (2010, August 22). John Lockley, Xhosa Sangoma, Speaks About the Importance of Honouring our Ancestors . Retrieved May 1, 2011, from Youtube: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mJ2tIvO5w5E
Morgan, R., & Reid, G. (2010). 'I've Got Two Men and One Woman': Ancestors, Sexuality and Identity Among Same-Sex Identified Women Traditional Healers in South Africa',. Culture, Health & Sexuality, 5(5), 375-391.
Nattras, N. (2005). Who Consults Sangomas in Khayelitsha? An Exploratory Quantitative Analysis. Social Dynamics, 31(2), 161-182.
O'Connell, S. (1983). The Placebo Effect and Psychotherapy. Psychotherapy: Theory, Research and Practice, 20(3), 337-345.
Thornton, R. (2009). The Transmission of Knowledge in South African Traditional Healing. Africa, 79(1), 17-34.
Various. (2011, May 3). John Lockley. Retrieved May 3, 2011, from Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/pages/John-Lockley/160844777271115
Walsh, R. (1994). The Making of a Shaman: Calling, Training, Culmination. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 34(3), 7-30.
Wednesday, May 4, 2011
Pentecostal Shamanism?
This essay will attempt to explore the similarities between Pastor Brian Houston, the head Pastor of Hillsong Church, a Pentecostal mega church, and the theoretical framework of shamans and shamanistic practices. It will attempt to draw a link between Pastor Houston and the role of a modern day shaman and show a direct relationship between the spiritual qualities exhibited by Pastor Houston and those used in describing shaman. It will be shown that through these similarities lies a spiritual link and that Pastor Houston can be considered as a modern day shaman. Although such a proposal may be somewhat contradictory to the Christian perception of shaman and their practices, a definitive link is seen when a neutral perspective is taken. This will illuminate certain facets of Pentecostal services, as performed by Pastor Houston, which coincide with the structure of ritual shamanic practices.
Degrees of altered states of consciousness (ASC), trance and meditative practices are present throughout the religious services conducted by Pastor Houston. Shamans use ASC to enter the spirit realm and draw upon such forces for healing and spiritualistic purposes (Jilek, 2005). Glossolalia and outward displays of prayer can be seen as stages of ASC which become attained during services led by Pastor Houston (SMH). Such degrees of ASC are utilized by the Pastor to become overwhelmed by the presence of the Holy Spirit. It is once possessed by the Holy Spirit that Pastor Houston is able to provide healing and spiritual nourishment, which is further propagated outwards towards the congregation (SMH). It will be discussed in detail that ASC elicited by Pentecostal pastors such as Pastor Houston correlate directly with those experienced by Shaman. Pastor Houston was not chosen specifically for this dissection, for these purposes he may be considered the archetypal Pentecostal minister and much of the similarities surrounding Pastor Houston can be used interchangeably with many Pentecostal ministers, also exhibiting shamanic qualities.
Shamans are spiritual and religious leaders who possess the ability to channel spirits by means of ASC induced through enthogenic or ritualistic practices (Modern Day Shamanism). They are channelled for the purpose of spiritual healing, guidance and enlightenment. The shaman is seen as possessing the ability to transcend the living realm, allowing for communication and interaction with supernatural spirits (Peters & Prince-William, 1980). Such communication is granted through trance, meditation, prayer and chanting, vital initiatory components for ASC induction (Jilek, 2005). The role of the shaman has been acknowledged as having a degree of fluidity, in which definitions can encompass particular aspects of religious and spiritual requirement at varying levels of shamanic practices (McCann, 2000). In essence, shamans play important roles as social healers, spiritual leaders, soul guides and teachers. For this essay a modern day shaman is considered to be anyone displaying qualities through their respective ritualistic or religious practices, whereby a similarity is drawn by adapting ancient wisdom to modern applications (King, 2002).
Several coinciding characteristics can be identified within Pastor Houston and his practices which may be considered of shamanic origin, or having a degree of similarity to shamanic ideologies. Transcendent states of consciousness are exhibited through outward displays of prayer, glossolalia and the laying of hands when overcome by the Holy Spirit. Such a possessive state is considered necessary for promoting spiritual healing within those in which it is required (Wagner). This is a particularly important characteristic seen in both ancient and modern shaman, the ability to bridge the gap between the spiritual and earthly realm and utilising such ability for spiritual and physical healing. The role of the Pastor (Houston) is one of a spiritual healer, teacher and advisor, a community leadership role shared with ancient shaman (King, 2002). Spirit worship is evident through worship of the Holy Spirit and its healing powers, a characteristic somewhat removed from the shamanic framework of multiple spirit worship. Such a progression can be seen as evolutionary shamanistic practice, a divergence from calling upon multiple spirits to a singular entity. Despite this deviation, the shamanic principle of spirit manipulation has been retained. This becomes evident in Pastor Houston through the possession of the Holy Spirit and the wielding of the spiritual powers.
When questioned as to whether or not Pastor Houston possesses shamanic similarities in his religious and spiritual methodology it can be assumed that, due to the Christian viewpoint of shaman and occultist practices, Pastor Houston would refute the suggestion of any possible resemblance. Pentecostal Christians view shamanic and spiritual worship as a sinful act against God (Jilek, 2005). There is little evidence to suggest otherwise that Pastor Houston would draw any comparison between himself and ancient shamanic ritual practices. This becomes interesting when viewed from the perspective of a non-Christian neutral observer. The shamanic belief is one of soulful and spiritual healing through the interaction and channelling of spirits (Modern Day Shamanism). Conversely, the Christian belief views this as a sinful practice. Such an approach appears to be selective. Possessions by the Holy Spirit, such as those experienced by Pastor Houston are deemed acceptable whereas shamanic possessions are considered evil. In light of this it is still argued that the Christian Pentecostal perspective as that upheld by Pastor Houston would be unable to draw reason from such a comparison.
ASC and stages of ASC are of considerable importance in Pastor Houston’s profession, as they are with all Pentecostal ministers. It is critical to note that such episodes of ASC would often not be acknowledged as such in the Christian community. Without religious or spiritual bias ASC episodes such as glossolalia, possessions by the Holy Spirit and the laying of hands are considered to be deliberately induced forms of ASC. An important aspect of eliciting such episodes of ASC in Pastor Houston is the accompaniment of music alongside healing sessions. Repetitive, charismatic, intense music is known to be a necessary driver for inducing an ASC and is a common component of shamanic healing ceremonies (Prattis). Such music is played extensively during religious proceedings held by Pastor Houston and serves to incite a frenzy of ecstasy within the crowd, assisting eliciting an ASC within the speaker (Houston), the crowd and promoting a transcendent state by proxy through the speaker into the crowd (SMH).
Shamanic practitioners have the ability to self-induce an ASC within themselves for healing and spiritual requirements. They may also induce an ASC within clients or devotees through symbols, hypnosis or suggestive methods (Jilek, 2005). This is of significance when considering that Pentecostal congregations such as those led by Pastor Houston experience varying degrees of ASC within themselves as induced through their spiritual leader (Houston). This reinforces the notion in which the shaman (Houston) has an extent of control over the spiritual possession for which it can be propagated outwardly. Further control is seen when slipping between ASC and conscious thought. Shamans are differentiated by their control of degrees of ASC and when they choose to enter and leave such states (Peters & Prince-William, 1980). This idea extends towards selectively changing between glossolalia, blessings from the Holy Spirit and meditative prayer as seen during healing practices exhibited by Pastor Houston.
Servicing the communities spiritual and religious needs, as seen with ancient shamanic healers and practitioners, is an important component of Christian Pastoral care. These practices are important in promoting spiritual healing, fellowship and harmony amongst devotees. Ancient shamans were considered important community and spiritual leaders and this role has been reinforced through many modern day shamans such as Pastor Brian Houston. It was this similarity in community care, coupled with transcendent states of ASC witnessed in Pentecostal services which aided in choosing Pastor Houston for comparative analysis as a modern day shaman. By further examination of many modern day religious and spiritual practices and leaders, more individuals may be re-profiled and deemed to be modern day shaman; and their practices and belief structures showing links to ancient spiritual belief.
References:
Hillsong’s True Believers, Online Newspaper Article, Sydney Morning Herald, Viewed 3 May 2011
http://www.smh.com.au/news/National/Hillsongs-true-believers/2004/11/06/1099547435083.html
Jilek, WG 2005 'Transforming the Shaman: Changing Western Views of Shamanism and Altered States of Consciousness', ArtÃculo de investigación, vol. 7, no. 1, pp. 8-15.
King, SK 2002, Modern Shamanism, Website Article, Aloha International, Viewed 2 May 2011
http://www.huna.org/html/modshmn.html
Prattis, I ‘Healing Journeys: Shamanism as Therapy’, available online at: http://www.namastecafe.com/download/healingjourneys.pdf
Peters, LG & Prince-Williams, D 1980 ‘Towards an Experiential Analysis of Shamanism’, American Ethnologist, vol. 7, no. 3, pp. 397-418.
McCann, V 2000, Modern Shamanism, Website Article, Spotlight Ministries, Viewed 3 May, 2011
http://www.spotlightministries.org.uk/shaman.htm
Modern Day Shamanism, Website Article, Modern Day Shamanism, Viewed 3 May, 2011
http://www.moderndayshamanism.com/what_is.php
Wagner, S, The Shamanic Healing, Website Article, Newage Mystic, Viewed 2 May, 2011
http://newagemystic.com/shamanichealing.aspx
Degrees of altered states of consciousness (ASC), trance and meditative practices are present throughout the religious services conducted by Pastor Houston. Shamans use ASC to enter the spirit realm and draw upon such forces for healing and spiritualistic purposes (Jilek, 2005). Glossolalia and outward displays of prayer can be seen as stages of ASC which become attained during services led by Pastor Houston (SMH). Such degrees of ASC are utilized by the Pastor to become overwhelmed by the presence of the Holy Spirit. It is once possessed by the Holy Spirit that Pastor Houston is able to provide healing and spiritual nourishment, which is further propagated outwards towards the congregation (SMH). It will be discussed in detail that ASC elicited by Pentecostal pastors such as Pastor Houston correlate directly with those experienced by Shaman. Pastor Houston was not chosen specifically for this dissection, for these purposes he may be considered the archetypal Pentecostal minister and much of the similarities surrounding Pastor Houston can be used interchangeably with many Pentecostal ministers, also exhibiting shamanic qualities.
Shamans are spiritual and religious leaders who possess the ability to channel spirits by means of ASC induced through enthogenic or ritualistic practices (Modern Day Shamanism). They are channelled for the purpose of spiritual healing, guidance and enlightenment. The shaman is seen as possessing the ability to transcend the living realm, allowing for communication and interaction with supernatural spirits (Peters & Prince-William, 1980). Such communication is granted through trance, meditation, prayer and chanting, vital initiatory components for ASC induction (Jilek, 2005). The role of the shaman has been acknowledged as having a degree of fluidity, in which definitions can encompass particular aspects of religious and spiritual requirement at varying levels of shamanic practices (McCann, 2000). In essence, shamans play important roles as social healers, spiritual leaders, soul guides and teachers. For this essay a modern day shaman is considered to be anyone displaying qualities through their respective ritualistic or religious practices, whereby a similarity is drawn by adapting ancient wisdom to modern applications (King, 2002).
Several coinciding characteristics can be identified within Pastor Houston and his practices which may be considered of shamanic origin, or having a degree of similarity to shamanic ideologies. Transcendent states of consciousness are exhibited through outward displays of prayer, glossolalia and the laying of hands when overcome by the Holy Spirit. Such a possessive state is considered necessary for promoting spiritual healing within those in which it is required (Wagner). This is a particularly important characteristic seen in both ancient and modern shaman, the ability to bridge the gap between the spiritual and earthly realm and utilising such ability for spiritual and physical healing. The role of the Pastor (Houston) is one of a spiritual healer, teacher and advisor, a community leadership role shared with ancient shaman (King, 2002). Spirit worship is evident through worship of the Holy Spirit and its healing powers, a characteristic somewhat removed from the shamanic framework of multiple spirit worship. Such a progression can be seen as evolutionary shamanistic practice, a divergence from calling upon multiple spirits to a singular entity. Despite this deviation, the shamanic principle of spirit manipulation has been retained. This becomes evident in Pastor Houston through the possession of the Holy Spirit and the wielding of the spiritual powers.
When questioned as to whether or not Pastor Houston possesses shamanic similarities in his religious and spiritual methodology it can be assumed that, due to the Christian viewpoint of shaman and occultist practices, Pastor Houston would refute the suggestion of any possible resemblance. Pentecostal Christians view shamanic and spiritual worship as a sinful act against God (Jilek, 2005). There is little evidence to suggest otherwise that Pastor Houston would draw any comparison between himself and ancient shamanic ritual practices. This becomes interesting when viewed from the perspective of a non-Christian neutral observer. The shamanic belief is one of soulful and spiritual healing through the interaction and channelling of spirits (Modern Day Shamanism). Conversely, the Christian belief views this as a sinful practice. Such an approach appears to be selective. Possessions by the Holy Spirit, such as those experienced by Pastor Houston are deemed acceptable whereas shamanic possessions are considered evil. In light of this it is still argued that the Christian Pentecostal perspective as that upheld by Pastor Houston would be unable to draw reason from such a comparison.
ASC and stages of ASC are of considerable importance in Pastor Houston’s profession, as they are with all Pentecostal ministers. It is critical to note that such episodes of ASC would often not be acknowledged as such in the Christian community. Without religious or spiritual bias ASC episodes such as glossolalia, possessions by the Holy Spirit and the laying of hands are considered to be deliberately induced forms of ASC. An important aspect of eliciting such episodes of ASC in Pastor Houston is the accompaniment of music alongside healing sessions. Repetitive, charismatic, intense music is known to be a necessary driver for inducing an ASC and is a common component of shamanic healing ceremonies (Prattis). Such music is played extensively during religious proceedings held by Pastor Houston and serves to incite a frenzy of ecstasy within the crowd, assisting eliciting an ASC within the speaker (Houston), the crowd and promoting a transcendent state by proxy through the speaker into the crowd (SMH).
Shamanic practitioners have the ability to self-induce an ASC within themselves for healing and spiritual requirements. They may also induce an ASC within clients or devotees through symbols, hypnosis or suggestive methods (Jilek, 2005). This is of significance when considering that Pentecostal congregations such as those led by Pastor Houston experience varying degrees of ASC within themselves as induced through their spiritual leader (Houston). This reinforces the notion in which the shaman (Houston) has an extent of control over the spiritual possession for which it can be propagated outwardly. Further control is seen when slipping between ASC and conscious thought. Shamans are differentiated by their control of degrees of ASC and when they choose to enter and leave such states (Peters & Prince-William, 1980). This idea extends towards selectively changing between glossolalia, blessings from the Holy Spirit and meditative prayer as seen during healing practices exhibited by Pastor Houston.
Servicing the communities spiritual and religious needs, as seen with ancient shamanic healers and practitioners, is an important component of Christian Pastoral care. These practices are important in promoting spiritual healing, fellowship and harmony amongst devotees. Ancient shamans were considered important community and spiritual leaders and this role has been reinforced through many modern day shamans such as Pastor Brian Houston. It was this similarity in community care, coupled with transcendent states of ASC witnessed in Pentecostal services which aided in choosing Pastor Houston for comparative analysis as a modern day shaman. By further examination of many modern day religious and spiritual practices and leaders, more individuals may be re-profiled and deemed to be modern day shaman; and their practices and belief structures showing links to ancient spiritual belief.
References:
Hillsong’s True Believers, Online Newspaper Article, Sydney Morning Herald, Viewed 3 May 2011
http://www.smh.com.au/news/National/Hillsongs-true-believers/2004/11/06/1099547435083.html
Jilek, WG 2005 'Transforming the Shaman: Changing Western Views of Shamanism and Altered States of Consciousness', ArtÃculo de investigación, vol. 7, no. 1, pp. 8-15.
King, SK 2002, Modern Shamanism, Website Article, Aloha International, Viewed 2 May 2011
http://www.huna.org/html/modshmn.html
Prattis, I ‘Healing Journeys: Shamanism as Therapy’, available online at: http://www.namastecafe.com/download/healingjourneys.pdf
Peters, LG & Prince-Williams, D 1980 ‘Towards an Experiential Analysis of Shamanism’, American Ethnologist, vol. 7, no. 3, pp. 397-418.
McCann, V 2000, Modern Shamanism, Website Article, Spotlight Ministries, Viewed 3 May, 2011
http://www.spotlightministries.org.uk/shaman.htm
Modern Day Shamanism, Website Article, Modern Day Shamanism, Viewed 3 May, 2011
http://www.moderndayshamanism.com/what_is.php
Wagner, S, The Shamanic Healing, Website Article, Newage Mystic, Viewed 2 May, 2011
http://newagemystic.com/shamanichealing.aspx
Reiki: The Power of Universal Life Energy- Nidean Dickson
Originating from Tibetan Sutras and later resurging in Eastern Oriental traditions, Reiki has become a prominent form of touch healing. This essay aims to outline the components of Reiki and the interconnected relationship between the role of the practitioner and recipient as an essential form of healing and how it has been incorporated in a medical field. The fundamental elements of Reiki are explained as an intrinsic element to the mind and body that is conceptualised by Martha Roger’s theory of Unitary Human Beings that is further validated in modern medicine. Reiki practitioner’s vary from first degree to third degree practitioners and act as a conduit of energy to become a channel for healing through methodical hand placements. The transmission of the recipient’s energy through the practitioner allows the exploration of several states of awareness in correlation with sensory experience that is identified through symbolism and liminality. Evidently, Reiki as a touch healing therapy or practice is an ancient tradition that fundamentally relies on the imperative interconnected relationship between the practitioner and recipient that forms a mediumistic channel of energy transference essential to the healing process.
Reiki utilises universal energy through touch therapy as a way of healing that deviates from dogma and instead is identified as a holistic integrative practice that aligns the body, spirit and mind through energy force. Literally translated as universal life energy that acknowledges the relationship between the mind, soul and energy, Reiki is formed from two separate terms “rei” and “ki” (Wetzel 1989, p. 48). According to Bullock (1997, p. 31) “rei” is defined as a “universal spirit, unlimited [and] the cosmic force of the universe.” Conversely, “ki” is attributed to an energy force that contemporary shaman Alberto Villoldo (cited in Koda 2008) described as the imperative nature and immensity of “ki” in the sphere of life as thinking of “ki” as “rain, or the fluid waters of life.” Thus, the innate characteristics of Reiki highlighted the intrinsic universality and all-encompassing relationship between life, energy and force. Medical practitioner Martha Rogers explains “ki” through the theory of Unitary Human Beings that the “unitary nature of the individual is in the natural interaction with the environment… [and therefore] the unitary human being is an energy field interrelated with the universe” (Chang 2003, p. 104). This is corroborated by Meleis (2007, p. 391) arguing the irreducible nature of the unitary human being and energy force by stating that “human beings and environments do not have energy fields; they are energy fields.” Evidently, Reiki relies on the interconnected and universal relationship between life and energy as a healing modality which is a direct correlate of Eastern philosophy that identifies the significance of universal energy as a way to sustain the physical of which is the human body (Gilbert 2004, p.480). Chang (2003, p.103) highlights the importance of healing by emphasising the role of the integration of body and mind to achieve an optimal healing state. To medical practitioners healing is an intrinsic process to patient care which identifies the significance of Reiki as a motivational and evidential took to “invite nurses to return to the ontological foundation of their practice…that is, person-nature environment” (Vitale 2006, p.192). By incorporating Reiki method into nursing practice several positive effects have been collated through qualitative data such as a higher level of relaxation that enables positive well-being, decrease in anxiety and blood pressure and facilitating an attitude toward an increased quality of life (Potter 2007, p. 239). Thus, the fundamental characteristics of Reiki are vital to healing processes in a spiritual and medical realm that utilises energy transference through touch vibrations produces by a Reiki practitioner.
At varying degrees, Reiki practitioners act as a conduit for the transmission of energy through a series of hand placements that allow healing to occur that can be mutually beneficial for both the practitioner and the recipient. There are three varying degrees of the level of Reiki practitioner that consecutively increase in responsibility and depth. According to Wardell (2008, p. 440) the first degree healer “becomes sensitised to imbalances of energy, and in the second the Reiki energy is accentuated for faster and deeper results… and at the third or Master level a commitment is made to Reiki as life’s work.” Reiki practitioners do not initiate or direct the healing but rather act as a medium for energy flow that is produced from the placement of hands over the head, torso and lower body to impose on the primordial consciousness that highlights the differing aspect of Reiki in comparison to other bioenergetic modes of healing (Horrigan & Miles 2003, 76). Practitioner Pamela Miles (cited in Horrigan & Miles 2003, p. 76) identifies the effect of Reiki treatment on the practitioner by stating “when I place my hands on someone it’s like feeling an orchestra in my palms- I feel many different volts and qualities of vibrations, and it keeps changing.” Through the ability to attune vibrations the Reiki practitioner is able to identify the intrinsic components of the healing that is classified on a mental, emotional, spiritual and physical level which in turn fulfils the philosophy of Reiki as a holistic “system of subtle vibrational healing” (Horrigan & Miles 2003, p. 76). Therefore, it is imperative for the practitioner to embody sincerity and experience to be an effective conduit of energy flow as “touch acts just as a stone thrown into a lake” (Chang 2003, p. 107). Effectively, the practitioner is essential to how the recipient is affected by the Reiki healing based on the practitioner’s spirituality and ability to be inwardly attuned to be a conduit for energy (La Torne 2005, p. 184). Conversely, the recipient also plays a vital role in the transference of energy and ability to enable healing as the practitioner and recipient act as complementary characters in Reiki.
In receiving a Reiki healing, a patient will endure several different phases prior and during the healing that explores several states of awareness and experiences that are assimilated with intention to direct the energy force imperative to optimise healing. Initially, it is vital that prior to Reiki the recipient recognises the necessity for the healing which is “based on the premise that thought follows energy and energy follows intent” (Bullock 1997, p.31). Intention in the pre-therapeutic phase acts as a precursor to the direction and ability of energy to flow during the treatment. Often during Reiki a patient experiences a change in the state of awareness that can be associated with a liminal state which has been identified as “optimal states for healing” (McClenton 2005, p. 328). Originally van Gennep (cited in Perez 1986, p. xiii) described liminality as “a phase, a fleeting, ephemeral moment destined for supersession.” Turner (cited in Perez 1986, p. xiii) elaborates on van Gennep’s explanation of liminality by transforming it into a spatial view that goes beyond the concept of a threshold towards “a place of habitation.” Effectively Turner (1969, p. 95) classifies the ambiguity of liminality as “the entities [that] are neither here nor there; they are betwixt and between the positions assigned and arrayed by law, custom, convention and ceremonial.By applying the concept of liminality to the altered state of awareness associated with a Reiki healing there is a significant effect on the orientation in time, place and self that explicitly reflects the affects of altering between two altered states of consciousness or a “threshold”. Reiki recipients often reported the experience of time either accelerating or decelerating with either no knowledge or hyper awareness of the natural surroundings that contributed to the ambiguity of self perception (Engebretson & Wardell 2002, p.51.) In addition to perceptive alterations, sensory experiences are also strongly prevalent during Reiki. Several participants have reported “numbness, involuntary muscle twitching, and feelings of heat, which are clustered into sensations in temperature, sound … and discordant touch” (Engebretson & Wardell 2002, p. 51). Subjectively, during my Reiki healing with a level two practitioner, my visual and aural sensory awareness heightened and I felt a strong sense of relaxation that enabled an unexpected emotional response. Evidently, a heightened state of awareness and sensory experiences affect the cognition of the recipient as feelings of relaxation and calmness that leads to emotional transformations of clarification or detachment that would otherwise not be achieved in the ordinary waking state (Engebretson & Wardell 2002, p.52). Thus, through the ability to affect the spiritual, emotional and physical states of the participant, Reiki can be seen as a prominent and successful form of healing that embraces the interconnected relationship energy transference produces between body, spirit and mind.
As a result, the universal life energy force as an essential element of Reiki is vital to the process of healing. By reverting back to a holistic practice, Reiki identifies the intrinsic nature between life and the environment as a direct impact of a universal energy. The characteristics fundamental to the development of this energy defined by the unitary human being significantly contributes to the appeal and effectiveness of Reiki in medical practices, particularly nursing, as a way to attain optimal healing. Optimal healing is achieved through the use of vibrations through hand placements to formulate energy that are attuned by varying degrees of Reiki practitioners who act as a conduit for energy transference. However, the transference of energy is co-dependent on the role of the recipient in providing intention and acceptance for the healing. This intention then allows the energy to alter states of awareness, cognition and sensory experiences to contribute to healing process of the affected areas of the participant to highlight relationship between energy, the mind and the body. Evidently, as a universal life energy force Reiki highlights the imperative relationship between the practitioner and recipient to capture the essence of healing as an intrinsic element that is derived from the interconnectedness between body, mind and spirit.
Chang, SO 2003, ‘The nature of touch therapy related to Ki: practitioner’s perspective’, Nursing and Health Sciences, vol. 5, pp. 103-114, viewed 18 April 2011, Engerbretson, J & Wardell, DW 2002, ‘Experience of a Reiki session’, Alternative Therapies in Health, vol. 8, no. 2, pp. 48-53. Gilbert, TC 2004, ‘Reiki: the re-emergence of an ancient healing art in modern times’, Home Health Care Management and Practice, vol. 16, no. 6, pp. 490-488, viewed 18 April 2011, Horrigan, B & Miles, P, 2003, ‘Pamela Miles, Reiki vibrational healing’, Alternative Therapies in Health and Medicine, vol. 9, no. 4, pp. 74-84. La Torne, M 2005, ‘Integrative perspectives- the use of Reiki in psychotherapy’, Perspective in Psychiatric Care, vol. 41, no. 4, pp. 184-187, viewed 28 April 2011, McClenton, RJ 2005, Spirits of the lesser Gods, Dissertation, Florida. Meleis, AI 2007, Theoretical nursing: development and progress, Lippincott, Williams and Wilkins, Philadelphia. Perez, G 1986, Literature and liminality: festive readings in the Hispanic tradition, Duke University Press, Firmat. Turner, V 1969, The ritual process: structure and anti-structure, Walter de Gruyler Incoporated, Berlin. Villoldo, A 2005, ‘Mending the past and healing the future with soul retrieval’, in K Koda, Sacred path of Reiki: healing as a spiritual discipline, Llewellyn Publications, Minnesota, p. 129. Vitale, A 2006, ‘The use of selected energy touch modalities as supportive nursing interventions’, Holistic Nursing Practice, vol. 20, no. 4, pp. 191-196. Wardell, DW 2008, ‘Biological correlates of Reiki touch healing’, Journal of Advanced Nursing, vol.33, no. 4, pp. 439-445, viewed 19 April 2011, Wetzel, WS 1989, ‘Reiki healing: a physiologic perspective’, Journal of Holistic Nursing, vol. 7, no. 1, pp.47-54, viewed 18 April 2011,
Reference List
Bullock, M 1997, ‘Reiki: a complementary therapy for life’, American Journal of Hospice and Palliative Medicine, vol. 14, no. 31, pp. 31-33, viewed 21 April 2011,
Potter, PJ 2007, ‘Breast, biopsy and distress: feasibility of testing a Reiki intervention’, Journal of Holistic Nursing, vol. 25, no. 4, pp. 238-248, viewed 19 April 2011,
Friday, April 1, 2011
A Comparitive Analysis of Religious Ritual and Obsessive Compulsive Disorder
The similarities between the practice of religious ritual and the compulsive symptoms of Obsessive Compulsive Disorder are unavoidable. These connections are immediately apparent when learning of the elaborate and explicit rules of which most rituals are composed (if not when first told only of the degree of cleansing often involved!), and are prevalent in historic religious practice through to the modern day. Without seeing the analogy through, one could easily be influenced by these initial similarities and align oneself with either a total denial of the legitimacy of religious practice or of the apparent and seemingly harmful correlations. Hence, it should be made clear from the outset that the purpose of this paper is not to pathologize the practice of religious rituals; such a design is best left to more qualified minds. This paper seeks only to examine religious ritual in comparison with descriptions of OCD, with respect to the similarities and differences. Such an analysis serves the purposes of understanding both “how far” the comparison is applicable and by extension the importance of the religious ritual to it's practitioners with respect to it's deviation from the described OCD experience.
The most striking similarity between religious ritual and Obsessive Compulsive Disorder lies in the description of the Compulsive symptoms a patient of the latter often suffers. “Repetitive behaviors...or mental acts...that the person feels driven to perform in response to an obsession, or according to rules that must be applied rigidly” (P. Silva, “Culture and obsessive-compulsive disorder”). Such compulsions are “aimed at preventing or reducing distress, or preventing some dreaded event” (G. Craig et al, “Relationship Between Religion and Obsessive Phenomena”), the dreaded events are usually believed to threaten the individual or those close to them (G. Craig et al, “Relationship Between Religion and Obsessive Phenomena”). The beliefs surrounding Inkosazana in the Zulu culture are fairly typical in this regard; it is believed that if the rules and rituals surrounding the figure are not adhered to, “she will inflict them [the community] with...drought, floods or tornadoes, starvation and disease.”(P. Bernard. “The Fertility Goddess of the Zulu: Reflections on a calling to Inkosazana's Pool”) The fear of 'punishment' for violation of Inkosazana's rules is readily comparable with the experience of the sufferer of OCD. However, the concerns of dreaded events are generally not limited to only the individual rather, the impact of a digression from the rules effects the entire community. It is, however, worth noting that in some cases such as the unwelcome individual trespassing into a sacred space of Inkosazana's pool, the consequences affect only the individual. One could hypothesize that such an expansion of the “effect radius” of a straying from practice is the result of a more encompassing sense of community and family. This “effect radius” can even expand to encompass the entire world, as is the case with the Huichol indians who believe that their annual peyote pilgrimage is necessary to prevent the destruction of the world (B. Myerhoff, “Peyote hunt: the sacred journey of the Huichol Indians”). A further deviation from the compulsive ritual is that often a believer who follows the ritual correctly receives a reward, rather than simply avoiding punishment. It could be argued that for this reason, religious ritual is not obsessive in nature as the compulsive actions do not serve only to reduce the anxiety surrounding the obsessive thoughts and in fact, the religious practice is not based on an individual experience of obsessive concerns- such concerns are shared by the entire community.
From the psychological point of view, obsessive compulsive disorder cannot be diagnosed unless “the obsessions or compulsions cause marked distress, are time-consuming...or significantly interfere with...usual social activities or relationships.” (P. Silva, “Culture and obsessive compulsive disorder”) The Huichol Indians in their peyote pilgrimage make a trip through the desert, often taking many days to complete (B. Myerhoff, “Peyote hunt: the sacred journey of the Huichol Indians”), Penny Bernard describes a rather long journey through difficult terrain as she answers the calling of Inkosazana (P. Bernard. “The Fertility Goddess of the Zulu: Reflections on a calling to Inkosazana's Pool”), and Tibetan Buddhists spend twelve days in ceremony creating a “Mandala” out of sand ( B. Bryant, “The wheel of time sand mandala: visual scripture of Tibetan Buddhism”). If an office worker in a western context were compelled to partake in rituals of such duration in accordance with an obsession and in addition to his usual societal obligations and beliefs, the diagnosis would certainly apply. This brings us to the key difference between religious ritual and OCD; religious ritual follows societal norms. Practitioners of ritual are not prevented from performing duties that would be considered “normal” as the rituals they practice are part of what the society deems “normal” (One can imagine a community of Huichol Indians in which a member felt compelled to dress in a suit and tie every morning and couldn't help but work in an office 8 hours a day to abate his obsessional fear of dependence). This in itself brings us do a further difference, the rituals of the Obsessive Compulsive are private, based on the individual's internal logic (S. Freud, “Obsessive Actions and Religious Practices”), wheras religious ritual is based on the cultural beliefs and the logic built upon such. Furthermore, Obsessive rituals are “not realistically connected to what they are intended to prevent” (J. Abramowitz et al, “Obsessive-compulsive disorder”). In the case of religious practice the term “realistically” causes us to pause for a moment. In the sense of Western scientific understanding of the processes of the natural world, there is no realistic connection between making a desert pilgrimage to consume peyote with the prevention of the end of the world, nor is the maintaining of a special garden necessarily related with the success of the community, however the cultures who practice such rituals believe strongly that the actions and the consequences are unavoidably linked. The problem encountered is once more that of cultural context. The worldview surrounding these rituals makes the connection between the anxiety and the ritual a very real and definite one.
The practice of religious ritual bears some baseline resemblance to descriptions of Obsessive Compulsive disorder, however, upon further examination, one finds that such similarities are perhaps little more than superficial. Religious ritual acts in accordance with societal beliefs and is not generally detrimental to an individuals function within that society. It is often considered to be beneficial by those who practice it, and serves as the logical extension of the values of the culture. Sigmund Freud once described the experience of Obsessive Compulsive Disorder as “ a travesty, half comic and half tragic, of a private religion,” and perhaps it is so that the comparison is presented in the wrong order, not that religion bears a resemblance to a psychiatric ailment, but that OCD could be seen as an individual's expression of a sort of religious system.
References:
J. Abramowitz, S. Taylor, D. McKay. Obsessive-compulsive disorder. www.thelancet.net Vol 374, August 8, 2009
C. Gonsalvez, A. Hains, G. Stoyles. Relationship between religion and obsessive phenomena. Australian Journal of Psychology, Vol 62, No. 2 June 2010
P. Silva. Culture and obsessive-compulsive disorder. Elsevier Ltd, 2006
B. Myerhoff. Peyote hunt: The Sacred Journey of the Huichol indians. Cornell University Press, 1976
B. Bryant. The wheel of time sand mandala: visual scripture of tibetan buddhism. Snow Lion Publications, 2003
S. Freud. Obsessive Actions and Religious Practices. Sigmund Freud, The Standard Edition, Vol. IX. Translated by James A Strachey. London: The Hogarth Press, 1959.
P. Bernard. The Fertility Goddess of the Zulu: Reflections on a calling to Inkosazana's Pool. Deep Blue: Critical Reflections on Nature Religion and Water, London: Equinox Publications, 2008
The most striking similarity between religious ritual and Obsessive Compulsive Disorder lies in the description of the Compulsive symptoms a patient of the latter often suffers. “Repetitive behaviors...or mental acts...that the person feels driven to perform in response to an obsession, or according to rules that must be applied rigidly” (P. Silva, “Culture and obsessive-compulsive disorder”). Such compulsions are “aimed at preventing or reducing distress, or preventing some dreaded event” (G. Craig et al, “Relationship Between Religion and Obsessive Phenomena”), the dreaded events are usually believed to threaten the individual or those close to them (G. Craig et al, “Relationship Between Religion and Obsessive Phenomena”). The beliefs surrounding Inkosazana in the Zulu culture are fairly typical in this regard; it is believed that if the rules and rituals surrounding the figure are not adhered to, “she will inflict them [the community] with...drought, floods or tornadoes, starvation and disease.”(P. Bernard. “The Fertility Goddess of the Zulu: Reflections on a calling to Inkosazana's Pool”) The fear of 'punishment' for violation of Inkosazana's rules is readily comparable with the experience of the sufferer of OCD. However, the concerns of dreaded events are generally not limited to only the individual rather, the impact of a digression from the rules effects the entire community. It is, however, worth noting that in some cases such as the unwelcome individual trespassing into a sacred space of Inkosazana's pool, the consequences affect only the individual. One could hypothesize that such an expansion of the “effect radius” of a straying from practice is the result of a more encompassing sense of community and family. This “effect radius” can even expand to encompass the entire world, as is the case with the Huichol indians who believe that their annual peyote pilgrimage is necessary to prevent the destruction of the world (B. Myerhoff, “Peyote hunt: the sacred journey of the Huichol Indians”). A further deviation from the compulsive ritual is that often a believer who follows the ritual correctly receives a reward, rather than simply avoiding punishment. It could be argued that for this reason, religious ritual is not obsessive in nature as the compulsive actions do not serve only to reduce the anxiety surrounding the obsessive thoughts and in fact, the religious practice is not based on an individual experience of obsessive concerns- such concerns are shared by the entire community.
From the psychological point of view, obsessive compulsive disorder cannot be diagnosed unless “the obsessions or compulsions cause marked distress, are time-consuming...or significantly interfere with...usual social activities or relationships.” (P. Silva, “Culture and obsessive compulsive disorder”) The Huichol Indians in their peyote pilgrimage make a trip through the desert, often taking many days to complete (B. Myerhoff, “Peyote hunt: the sacred journey of the Huichol Indians”), Penny Bernard describes a rather long journey through difficult terrain as she answers the calling of Inkosazana (P. Bernard. “The Fertility Goddess of the Zulu: Reflections on a calling to Inkosazana's Pool”), and Tibetan Buddhists spend twelve days in ceremony creating a “Mandala” out of sand ( B. Bryant, “The wheel of time sand mandala: visual scripture of Tibetan Buddhism”). If an office worker in a western context were compelled to partake in rituals of such duration in accordance with an obsession and in addition to his usual societal obligations and beliefs, the diagnosis would certainly apply. This brings us to the key difference between religious ritual and OCD; religious ritual follows societal norms. Practitioners of ritual are not prevented from performing duties that would be considered “normal” as the rituals they practice are part of what the society deems “normal” (One can imagine a community of Huichol Indians in which a member felt compelled to dress in a suit and tie every morning and couldn't help but work in an office 8 hours a day to abate his obsessional fear of dependence). This in itself brings us do a further difference, the rituals of the Obsessive Compulsive are private, based on the individual's internal logic (S. Freud, “Obsessive Actions and Religious Practices”), wheras religious ritual is based on the cultural beliefs and the logic built upon such. Furthermore, Obsessive rituals are “not realistically connected to what they are intended to prevent” (J. Abramowitz et al, “Obsessive-compulsive disorder”). In the case of religious practice the term “realistically” causes us to pause for a moment. In the sense of Western scientific understanding of the processes of the natural world, there is no realistic connection between making a desert pilgrimage to consume peyote with the prevention of the end of the world, nor is the maintaining of a special garden necessarily related with the success of the community, however the cultures who practice such rituals believe strongly that the actions and the consequences are unavoidably linked. The problem encountered is once more that of cultural context. The worldview surrounding these rituals makes the connection between the anxiety and the ritual a very real and definite one.
The practice of religious ritual bears some baseline resemblance to descriptions of Obsessive Compulsive disorder, however, upon further examination, one finds that such similarities are perhaps little more than superficial. Religious ritual acts in accordance with societal beliefs and is not generally detrimental to an individuals function within that society. It is often considered to be beneficial by those who practice it, and serves as the logical extension of the values of the culture. Sigmund Freud once described the experience of Obsessive Compulsive Disorder as “ a travesty, half comic and half tragic, of a private religion,” and perhaps it is so that the comparison is presented in the wrong order, not that religion bears a resemblance to a psychiatric ailment, but that OCD could be seen as an individual's expression of a sort of religious system.
References:
J. Abramowitz, S. Taylor, D. McKay. Obsessive-compulsive disorder. www.thelancet.net Vol 374, August 8, 2009
C. Gonsalvez, A. Hains, G. Stoyles. Relationship between religion and obsessive phenomena. Australian Journal of Psychology, Vol 62, No. 2 June 2010
P. Silva. Culture and obsessive-compulsive disorder. Elsevier Ltd, 2006
B. Myerhoff. Peyote hunt: The Sacred Journey of the Huichol indians. Cornell University Press, 1976
B. Bryant. The wheel of time sand mandala: visual scripture of tibetan buddhism. Snow Lion Publications, 2003
S. Freud. Obsessive Actions and Religious Practices. Sigmund Freud, The Standard Edition, Vol. IX. Translated by James A Strachey. London: The Hogarth Press, 1959.
P. Bernard. The Fertility Goddess of the Zulu: Reflections on a calling to Inkosazana's Pool. Deep Blue: Critical Reflections on Nature Religion and Water, London: Equinox Publications, 2008
Thursday, March 31, 2011
The Significance of Masks in Ritual and Spirituality - Omar Khateeb
The Significance of Masks
What is a mask? Is a mask just an ornament or article worn on the face for disguise, entertainment purposes or even as a form of protection? (Feinup-Riordan, 21). Masks have commonly been used during ritual and spiritual services and have been used to create, amplify or fulfill the wearer’s identity or sense of inner spirituality. Ritual masks can be found throughout the world and the functions of these masks in ritual are usually religious or magically inclined. Some characteristics include the enabling of communication with the unseen, undead, or giving magical powers to shamans or spiritual healers within tribes and various communities who wear them. This review article will explore the different themes, within different cultures, regarding the use of masks in ritual, and how it coincides and relates to identity building in ceremonies and proceedings.
In the study done by Meschutt et al in 1992, the notion of masks incorporated in death rituals is discussed and explored. They mention that, when a death arises within a tightly knit community with shared cultural and religious values (315), the deceased’s memory lives on as a life passage, or as a reminder in the creation of a mask. They proceed to explain that life and death masks were made for many different reasons, but specifically before photography was invented, life masks were the closest representations of an individual, whereas death masks served to preserve an individual’s features as a token of remembrance (positive and negative), and was also used when building statues. According to Meschutt et al, In the late 1890s, Laurence Hutton, who published ‘Portraits in plaster’ separated the creation of life and death masks into two categories, ‘the famous and the infamous’ (318). The category of the infamous was occupied by criminals, convicts, felons and so on (post-execution), however life masks for such felons also exist.
According to Keats (105), masks are also used as an expressive tool, as many therapists aid their clients in discovering the different ‘faces’ of the self; studying the differences in speech, gestures and mannerisms they portray upon donning a mask. And being both culturally and spiritually based, such masks represent a ‘multi-dimension’ (106) or second face to the face. Wearing a mask also gives the wearer a sense of freedom, the ability to perform acts or act in such a way they would not do in their everyday lives, or even be the mask (animal masks - acting like the animal, being the animal). Masked faces also portray different semiotics in the sense that they are used not only in spiritual and cultural contexts, but also for entertainment purposes, as a disguise or different facets of human nature. Evidence of the mask and its aura of spiritual power, specifically in ritual and healing processes, therapists began using masks within their realms of psychotherapy (107). Further exploring the study, it was found that patients with self-esteem issues and confidence issues enabled them to behave more socially and with newfound attitudes, acting almost as a ‘mediator between the client’s conscious and unconscious worlds of self’ (107).
Between Asian cultures, such as Japan and Balinese cultures, the donning of masks in ritual is strikingly correlated. Most masks are used in ritual and spiritual processes that, in turn, enable them to involve themselves in a ‘mysterious, other-worldliness that is apparent even to those who are uninitiated’ (Caldiron, 227). It is probable that such masks developed out of indigenous religious practices without any foreign influence; each has a strong identity and powerful, sometimes legendary, aura within the culture.
A report was published in the September 1980 issue of The Alcalde which explored the notions involved with mask wearing in the tribal regions of Mexico. Researcher, Donald Couldry, discovered that the masks were not just merely a disguise, but is also ‘a significant function that relates to shamanism, symbolism and social uses’ (20). He found that the Mexican Indians believed that the act of covering one’s face relates directly to the soul, and that Mexican masks were understood as mystical devices of transformation in which the ‘wearers become someone or something else’ (20).
A typical cliche that one may encounter when studying African art, or ritual practices is that men are the only ones who wear masks, while the women prepare, cook and clean for the festivities or ceremony. I was amazed when I read that women, too, don the masks and have their own rituals and ceremonies as well. In Zambia, men and women face initiations (men- mukanda, women- mwadi) (Cameron, 50), who would have thought that women also partake in mask-wearing festivities! In the 1998 study by Elizabeth Cameron, she spends time in the Kabompo district in Zambia to learn, observe and participate in the initiation rituals of men and women. Mwadi, meaning the initiation of the potential mother, is experienced as an interethnic ritual and is easily recognized by women from different ethnic tribes. When a young female matures (signified and recognized by her breast development), the family prepares and plans her initiation. The women, during their initiation phase, don masks and dance, guided by the four basic elements, first, her entire attire (clothes, mask, acoustic mask) acts as a disguise (focussing on aural presence), second, the transformation occurs, third, the masks as a mediator between structures, and fourth, the mask is seen as a medium of articulating power (57). The mask is not only seen as a means of disguise, but also as an intercessor, a medium of transformation. A completely new identity is created via the wearing of a mask, a journey to say the least.
In conclusion, the different cultures examined and explored today all demonstrated similar characteristics in relation to mask wearing. The mask is more than just a simple disguise, in ritual it is seen as a medium of transformation, a deity that enables one to be free, to be someone, or something, that they are not. Masks create identities for the wearer, an identity that he or she may never dream of showing or pursuing when they are ‘themselves’. Although different masks play different roles and have different powers across the various cultures and traditions, they each interrelate through similarity of function, interpretation - they all serve purposes. I understand that the relationship must be harmonious and respectful with the ‘divine’ entities or powers involved in the rituals or ceremonies, and that full focus and intention also plays a huge role in successful mask wearing for ritualistic and spiritual practices. This was an interesting topic to explore, although I have covered minor facets, there is still much more to learn about this fascinating practice.
‘The mask can be a limitation, but you just deal with it. You do get superhuman strength and pumpkin bombs and all this other stuff to express yourself with.' - William Defoe.
References
Cameron, Elizabeth L. "Women=Masks: Initiation Arts in North-Western Province, Zambia." African Arts 31.2 (1998): 50-61+93. Print.
Coldiron, Margaret. "Lions, Witches, and Happy Old Men: Some Parallels between Balinese and Japanese Ritual Masks." Asian Theatre Journal 22.2 (2005): 227-48. Print.
Feinup-Riordan, Anne. “The living tradition of Yup’ik masks.” 1992. 21. Print.
Keats, Patrice A. "Constructing Masks of The Self In Therapy." Constructivism in the Human Sciences 8.1 (2003): 105-24. Print.
Meschutt, David, Mark L. Taff, and Lauren R. Boglioli. "Life Masks and Death Masks." The American Journal of Forensic Medicine and Pathology 13.4 (1992): 315-19. Print.
"The Mexican Mask - A Link to the Soul." The Alcalde 59.1 (1980): 20. Print.
What is a mask? Is a mask just an ornament or article worn on the face for disguise, entertainment purposes or even as a form of protection? (Feinup-Riordan, 21). Masks have commonly been used during ritual and spiritual services and have been used to create, amplify or fulfill the wearer’s identity or sense of inner spirituality. Ritual masks can be found throughout the world and the functions of these masks in ritual are usually religious or magically inclined. Some characteristics include the enabling of communication with the unseen, undead, or giving magical powers to shamans or spiritual healers within tribes and various communities who wear them. This review article will explore the different themes, within different cultures, regarding the use of masks in ritual, and how it coincides and relates to identity building in ceremonies and proceedings.
In the study done by Meschutt et al in 1992, the notion of masks incorporated in death rituals is discussed and explored. They mention that, when a death arises within a tightly knit community with shared cultural and religious values (315), the deceased’s memory lives on as a life passage, or as a reminder in the creation of a mask. They proceed to explain that life and death masks were made for many different reasons, but specifically before photography was invented, life masks were the closest representations of an individual, whereas death masks served to preserve an individual’s features as a token of remembrance (positive and negative), and was also used when building statues. According to Meschutt et al, In the late 1890s, Laurence Hutton, who published ‘Portraits in plaster’ separated the creation of life and death masks into two categories, ‘the famous and the infamous’ (318). The category of the infamous was occupied by criminals, convicts, felons and so on (post-execution), however life masks for such felons also exist.
According to Keats (105), masks are also used as an expressive tool, as many therapists aid their clients in discovering the different ‘faces’ of the self; studying the differences in speech, gestures and mannerisms they portray upon donning a mask. And being both culturally and spiritually based, such masks represent a ‘multi-dimension’ (106) or second face to the face. Wearing a mask also gives the wearer a sense of freedom, the ability to perform acts or act in such a way they would not do in their everyday lives, or even be the mask (animal masks - acting like the animal, being the animal). Masked faces also portray different semiotics in the sense that they are used not only in spiritual and cultural contexts, but also for entertainment purposes, as a disguise or different facets of human nature. Evidence of the mask and its aura of spiritual power, specifically in ritual and healing processes, therapists began using masks within their realms of psychotherapy (107). Further exploring the study, it was found that patients with self-esteem issues and confidence issues enabled them to behave more socially and with newfound attitudes, acting almost as a ‘mediator between the client’s conscious and unconscious worlds of self’ (107).
Between Asian cultures, such as Japan and Balinese cultures, the donning of masks in ritual is strikingly correlated. Most masks are used in ritual and spiritual processes that, in turn, enable them to involve themselves in a ‘mysterious, other-worldliness that is apparent even to those who are uninitiated’ (Caldiron, 227). It is probable that such masks developed out of indigenous religious practices without any foreign influence; each has a strong identity and powerful, sometimes legendary, aura within the culture.
A report was published in the September 1980 issue of The Alcalde which explored the notions involved with mask wearing in the tribal regions of Mexico. Researcher, Donald Couldry, discovered that the masks were not just merely a disguise, but is also ‘a significant function that relates to shamanism, symbolism and social uses’ (20). He found that the Mexican Indians believed that the act of covering one’s face relates directly to the soul, and that Mexican masks were understood as mystical devices of transformation in which the ‘wearers become someone or something else’ (20).
A typical cliche that one may encounter when studying African art, or ritual practices is that men are the only ones who wear masks, while the women prepare, cook and clean for the festivities or ceremony. I was amazed when I read that women, too, don the masks and have their own rituals and ceremonies as well. In Zambia, men and women face initiations (men- mukanda, women- mwadi) (Cameron, 50), who would have thought that women also partake in mask-wearing festivities! In the 1998 study by Elizabeth Cameron, she spends time in the Kabompo district in Zambia to learn, observe and participate in the initiation rituals of men and women. Mwadi, meaning the initiation of the potential mother, is experienced as an interethnic ritual and is easily recognized by women from different ethnic tribes. When a young female matures (signified and recognized by her breast development), the family prepares and plans her initiation. The women, during their initiation phase, don masks and dance, guided by the four basic elements, first, her entire attire (clothes, mask, acoustic mask) acts as a disguise (focussing on aural presence), second, the transformation occurs, third, the masks as a mediator between structures, and fourth, the mask is seen as a medium of articulating power (57). The mask is not only seen as a means of disguise, but also as an intercessor, a medium of transformation. A completely new identity is created via the wearing of a mask, a journey to say the least.
In conclusion, the different cultures examined and explored today all demonstrated similar characteristics in relation to mask wearing. The mask is more than just a simple disguise, in ritual it is seen as a medium of transformation, a deity that enables one to be free, to be someone, or something, that they are not. Masks create identities for the wearer, an identity that he or she may never dream of showing or pursuing when they are ‘themselves’. Although different masks play different roles and have different powers across the various cultures and traditions, they each interrelate through similarity of function, interpretation - they all serve purposes. I understand that the relationship must be harmonious and respectful with the ‘divine’ entities or powers involved in the rituals or ceremonies, and that full focus and intention also plays a huge role in successful mask wearing for ritualistic and spiritual practices. This was an interesting topic to explore, although I have covered minor facets, there is still much more to learn about this fascinating practice.
‘The mask can be a limitation, but you just deal with it. You do get superhuman strength and pumpkin bombs and all this other stuff to express yourself with.' - William Defoe.
References
Cameron, Elizabeth L. "Women=Masks: Initiation Arts in North-Western Province, Zambia." African Arts 31.2 (1998): 50-61+93. Print.
Coldiron, Margaret. "Lions, Witches, and Happy Old Men: Some Parallels between Balinese and Japanese Ritual Masks." Asian Theatre Journal 22.2 (2005): 227-48. Print.
Feinup-Riordan, Anne. “The living tradition of Yup’ik masks.” 1992. 21. Print.
Keats, Patrice A. "Constructing Masks of The Self In Therapy." Constructivism in the Human Sciences 8.1 (2003): 105-24. Print.
Meschutt, David, Mark L. Taff, and Lauren R. Boglioli. "Life Masks and Death Masks." The American Journal of Forensic Medicine and Pathology 13.4 (1992): 315-19. Print.
"The Mexican Mask - A Link to the Soul." The Alcalde 59.1 (1980): 20. Print.
Healing Mother Earth
Shamanism and Trance Practices: RELN 7110
Angela Bardon
Lecturer: Dr Sylvia Shaw
The following essay will seek to explore the importance of the study and experience of trance states in today’s urban western society. Neurotheology as a method of scientific research, studies the impact on the brain, of spiritual and religious transcendent states. Hence the results of Neurotheological studies are reviewed in order to demonstrate the healing qualities that can be made manifest for the body and mind through the trance state. The paper then explores my own personal experiences and how insights received whilst in the trance state, helped me to understand the healing properties of Indigenous sacred ceremony on the planetary energy grids.
Trance State:
The trance state is a valuable tool which allows one to transcend normal states of consciousness in which the rational mind has control, in order to receive
• Spiritual guidance from the other world and otherworldly beings.
• Insights into the nature of reality which cannot be received in the normal waking states
• Healing on spiritual, emotional, mental and physical levels (Metzner, 1998, pp. 5-6).
As I have children and pets whose welfare is dependent on me, and I still have to work/ study and participate in society, I enter the trance state spontaneously at a light level. Hume (2007, p.12 -16) describes this light level of trance, as one in which the shaman is engaged in both worlds, journeying and interacting in the spirit world, whilst still consciously aware of what is happening around them in the physical world. The only triggers that I require to enter a light trance state are time alone and silence. Winkleman (1999, p. 399) states that “emotional stressors will elicit both opioid and non-opioid forms of analgesia which have ASC induction properties”. Emotional pain is another trigger that can open a portal for me to enter into a light trance state. I enter the light trance state spontaneously, whilst doing house work, walking in nature or walking around the suburbs. The insights, understandings and spiritual guidance that I receive are extremely clear and I understand the messages immediately if my eyes are open during the trance state. Sometimes the messages I receive in the trance state are visions, which is a normal trance phenomena according to Hume (2007, p. 12), other times I hear words from within or intuition or feelings guide my way. Strangely enough if I try to mediate or close my eyes the messages I receive in the trance state become fuzzy.
Neurotheology:
Newberg (2010, p.21) states that there are wealth of studies which indicate the relationship between religion, and physical and mental health. Newberg (in Seybold, 2007, p. 83) states, that neurotheological studies indicate that during meditation and prayer, that “the posterior superior parietal lobe showed a decrease in activity”, whilst the activity in the frontal lobe and the limbic system in the brain increases. This change in brain function, allow the Buddhist monks and Franciscan Nuns to experience a transcendent state (Newberg in Seybold, 2007, p. 83). These brain changes that occur during meditation and prayer result in “improved concentration, attention and focus (Newberg in Seybold, 2007, p. 83). Altered states of consciousness (ASC) are also “characterized by a state of parasympathetic dominance” (Winkleman, 1997, p.397), allowing the mind and body to move into a state of relaxation. Any activity that helps one to move from a state of stress and overdrive, to a state of relaxation, has to be healing for the mind and body as a whole.
Earth Healing:
As I have walked the spiritual path I learnt that my own spiritual healing process, affects not only myself, but has bought spiritual healing for my extended family, as well as for mother earth and for the mass conscious. This knowledge is similar to the Shaw’s (2001, p. 206) inner knowing that “if I can correct what’s happening in my family, it’s a step towards creating a pocket of healing for a lot of people”. Jung (in Walter and Neuman Fridman, 2004, p. 207) uses the term psychopomp to describe a Shaman as one who mediates between realities. One of the duties of the psychopomp is to shift “souls of the dead to the spirit world” (Walter and Neuman Fridman, 2004, p. 207). I have been shown whilst in the trance state that I exist in multiple dimensions of reality. I exist in the physical. I also know that I exist in consciousness, sitting out in space watching over the planet and that I also exist working in the vibratory plains of the planet, as a psychopomp, shifting lost souls into the light and out of the planets vibratory plains. I am also aware of the journey of my energy essence throughout time and space. Walter and Neuman- Fridman (2004, p. 205) state that Shamanic practitioners “typically report that they are conduits for spirits’ power”. In the past I have been a channel for the divine source to shift higher vibrational healing energy, through my heart consciousness into what Jung ( ITS Tutorial School, 2005) calls the collective unconscious or what I call the mass conscious. Also in the past, Spirit has shifted higher vibrational energy through my bodies of consciousness into the planetary consciousness. Whilst I act as a channel for healing grace, I am always shown how the higher vibrational healing energy flowing through me is made manifest. I have visions where I see the energy flowing into the mass conscious, all around the planet. Whilst I am aware that I am a channel for healing grace, I acknowledge that it is not me doing the healing. I am simply the channel that the Divine Source uses to shift the higher vibrational energy through.
One of the most important things I learnt whilst sitting with the Native American Indian teachers was that ceremony is also healing for mother earth. The energy created through sacred ceremony, which is created through the medicine wheel (which is a spiral pattern), can be vortexed into a scared site and into the energy grids of the planet. These healing ceremonies create harmony and balance within mother earth’s energetic grid system.
My own inner spiritual insights and learning’s gained from the other world, through the trance state, and what has been taught to me by my Indigenous teachers, has been validated by another group of scholars. Whitt, Norman and Grieves (2003, 10-11) state that as Indigenous people dance and sing, and the power created through ceremony helps to replenish the land. Whitt, Norman, Roberts and Grieve (2003, pp. 10-11) also state that the ceremonies held at sacred sites regenerate not just the surface of mother earth, but also right down inside the ground. Indigenous people are now talking about their responsibility of maintaining the energy grids of the planet. Kiesha Crowther, also known as Little Grandmother, founder of the Tribe of Many Colours, talks online (2010, http://vimeo.com/11191065) , about how she lays sacred crystals during sacred ceremony at specific sites on the planet for the balancing of the energy grids. Eileen Wani Wingfield (in Mc Conchie, 2003, p.23), Australian Indigenous Elder, states that their country is full of sacred sites,” and when it’s damaged, we got to dance”. My understanding of this is that the dance leads to the trance state in which healing can be made manifest for the damaged land.
Lorraine Mafi-Williams Australian Indigenous elder, ( in Freke 1999, 130-138) states that the Indigenous people have the responsibility to maintain the ‘energy grid’ which lies within Mother Earth’s crust and keeps the earth in balance. Mafi-Williams (cited in Freke 1999, 138) states that
“our people simply walk along the Earth and they could find fault in the energy grid. And they were able to energize the grid with crystals, or just human body energy going into the ground”.
Spirit taught me from within, that Indigenous ceremony at a sacred site is the equivalent of placing an acupuncture needle into an acupuncture point on the human body for healing purposes.
In telling this story, I didn’t come instantly to this inner knowing. I have had to learn many things on an individual level before my spiritual insights expanded into planetary insights. I am an ex- general and psychiatric nurse, so I have scientific knowledge from that period of my life. I sat with Hindu teachers to learn about the chakras and the spiritual anatomy of the soul. I learnt all about energy flow through the scientific world. I started my energy training looking at electrons, protons, neutrons and energy vibrations. I expanded my knowledge of energy into spiritual healing energy patterns through my attunements to Reiki , Sekhem and Seichim. I also learnt about environmental energy patterns through the writings of Starhawk, a pagan priestess. I was guided to do a basic Kinesiology course to learn about acupuncture points and the human bodies’ meridian system. In the Indigenous world I learnt all about the elements, the medicine wheel, ceremony and ritual, and women’s teachings. There was a long process of sitting in many realms of learning, involving most religions, complementary medicine and the scientific world, before I understood the mass conscious and planetary insights that spirit was teaching me. Each time I had to surrender to divine will, in order to enter a new phase of learning and to undergo the inner and hence outer transformation process of spiritual healing and purification. I spent many years in relative isolation, in physical and emotional pain.
Information that I gained in the trance state validates in my own mind, the teachings of Indigenous peoples. One only has to follow the news at present to hear about earthquakes, tsunami’s, floods, hurricanes flowing with increasing intensity across the planet. In my own mind it becomes clear that mother earth is in a state of imbalance. I often ask questions like, were destructive tornado’s present on the Lakota plains in the USA, prior to colonization? Prior to colonization, when there was a network of indigenous clan groups and tribes performing scared ceremony at sacred sites to keep mother earths, energy grids in harmony and balance, were there as many natural disasters occurring on the planet? The Indigenous people and their culture have been demonized by Christian missionaries and pathologized by science (Jilek, 2005, pp. 9-10). Information about the role of Indigenous people in planetary healing could be used for the healing of Indigenous people and the planet as a whole. Traditional Indigenous culture and spiritual practices play a vital role for the healing of mother earth.
Conclusion:
The knowledge of the trance state, in which otherworldly insights, understandings, spiritual guidance and healing can be received, is so important for the development of harmony and balance in the chaotic and unbalanced western world, where science is the authority figure and only evidence based knowledge has legitimacy. Associate Professor Richard Hutch (21/3/2011, in RELN7101) stated that science cannot find all the answers to all of the problems that are happening on the planet. Newberg (2010, pp.17-21) states that one of the goals of neurotheology is create a working relationship between science and religion and possibly create a new discourse between the two. The healing process is what is needed in the here and now. Humanity needs to rediscover the innate beauty that exists within all of creation and the need for the diversity of religious systems and phenomena. Healing is also required by humanity, so that we may all walk gently on mother earth with the desire to revitalize, replenish and stabilize her. The trance state is a pathway to that healing process, and because the trance state is a natural brain state (Winkleman, 1999, p.403), it is possible for everyone to enter the trance state and heal.
References:
Crowther, K. 2010. Kiesha Little Grandmother: One with Nature, viewed 19/1/2011, http://vimeo.com/11191065
Hutch, R. 2011. University of Queensland, Lecture on Psychology of Religion, RELN7101, (21/3/2011).
ITS Tutorial School, 2005. Psychology Dictionary and Glossary for Students, viewed 29/3/2011, http://www.tuition.com.hk/psychology/ .
Jilek, W.G. 2005. Transforming the Shaman: Changing Western Views of Shamanism and Altered States of Consciousness, in Investigacion en Salud, 7, 1, 8-15. http://www.medigraphic.com/pdfs/invsal/isg-2005/isg052c.pdf
Newberg, A.B. 2010. Principles of Neurotheology, Burlington, USA: Ashgate Publishing Company.
Mafi-Williams, L. 1999. Lorraine Mafi-Williams: Australian Aboriginal Tradition. In Shamanic Wisdom Keepers: Shamanism in the Modern World, T. Freke, Ed., 130-141. New York: Sterling Publishing Company.
Wingfield, E.W. 2003. ‘The Land’, in P. McConchie, (ed.), Elders: Wisdom from Australia’s Indigenous Leaders, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 11-26.
Metzner, R. 1998. ‘Hallucinogenic Drugs and Plants in Psychotherapy and Shamanism’, in Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 30, 4, 1-10.
Shaw, S. 2001, ‘Lose touch with the earth and lose touch with life’, in A. Dearling & B. Hanely, Eds., Alternative Australia: Celebrating Cultural Diversity, Lyme Regis, Dorset: An Enabler Publication, 200-207.
Seybold, K.S. 2007. Explorations in neuroscience, psychology and religion, Aldershot, England: Ashgate, ch.6, 75-86.
Walter, M.N. & E.J. Neuman Fridman (eds.). 2004. Shamanism- Encyclopaedia of World Beliefs, Practices and Culture, Vol. 1, Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO .
Winkleman,M. 1997, ‘Altered States of Consciousness,’ in Glazier, S.,ED, Anthropology of Religion: A Handbook of Method and Theory. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 393-428.
Whitt, L.A., M. Roberts, W. Norman, V. Grieves. 2003. ‘Indigenous Perspectives’, in A Companion to Environmental Philosophy, 1st ed., D. Jamieson. 2003, 3-20. Malden: Blackwell Publishing.
Angela Bardon
Lecturer: Dr Sylvia Shaw
The following essay will seek to explore the importance of the study and experience of trance states in today’s urban western society. Neurotheology as a method of scientific research, studies the impact on the brain, of spiritual and religious transcendent states. Hence the results of Neurotheological studies are reviewed in order to demonstrate the healing qualities that can be made manifest for the body and mind through the trance state. The paper then explores my own personal experiences and how insights received whilst in the trance state, helped me to understand the healing properties of Indigenous sacred ceremony on the planetary energy grids.
Trance State:
The trance state is a valuable tool which allows one to transcend normal states of consciousness in which the rational mind has control, in order to receive
• Spiritual guidance from the other world and otherworldly beings.
• Insights into the nature of reality which cannot be received in the normal waking states
• Healing on spiritual, emotional, mental and physical levels (Metzner, 1998, pp. 5-6).
As I have children and pets whose welfare is dependent on me, and I still have to work/ study and participate in society, I enter the trance state spontaneously at a light level. Hume (2007, p.12 -16) describes this light level of trance, as one in which the shaman is engaged in both worlds, journeying and interacting in the spirit world, whilst still consciously aware of what is happening around them in the physical world. The only triggers that I require to enter a light trance state are time alone and silence. Winkleman (1999, p. 399) states that “emotional stressors will elicit both opioid and non-opioid forms of analgesia which have ASC induction properties”. Emotional pain is another trigger that can open a portal for me to enter into a light trance state. I enter the light trance state spontaneously, whilst doing house work, walking in nature or walking around the suburbs. The insights, understandings and spiritual guidance that I receive are extremely clear and I understand the messages immediately if my eyes are open during the trance state. Sometimes the messages I receive in the trance state are visions, which is a normal trance phenomena according to Hume (2007, p. 12), other times I hear words from within or intuition or feelings guide my way. Strangely enough if I try to mediate or close my eyes the messages I receive in the trance state become fuzzy.
Neurotheology:
Newberg (2010, p.21) states that there are wealth of studies which indicate the relationship between religion, and physical and mental health. Newberg (in Seybold, 2007, p. 83) states, that neurotheological studies indicate that during meditation and prayer, that “the posterior superior parietal lobe showed a decrease in activity”, whilst the activity in the frontal lobe and the limbic system in the brain increases. This change in brain function, allow the Buddhist monks and Franciscan Nuns to experience a transcendent state (Newberg in Seybold, 2007, p. 83). These brain changes that occur during meditation and prayer result in “improved concentration, attention and focus (Newberg in Seybold, 2007, p. 83). Altered states of consciousness (ASC) are also “characterized by a state of parasympathetic dominance” (Winkleman, 1997, p.397), allowing the mind and body to move into a state of relaxation. Any activity that helps one to move from a state of stress and overdrive, to a state of relaxation, has to be healing for the mind and body as a whole.
Earth Healing:
As I have walked the spiritual path I learnt that my own spiritual healing process, affects not only myself, but has bought spiritual healing for my extended family, as well as for mother earth and for the mass conscious. This knowledge is similar to the Shaw’s (2001, p. 206) inner knowing that “if I can correct what’s happening in my family, it’s a step towards creating a pocket of healing for a lot of people”. Jung (in Walter and Neuman Fridman, 2004, p. 207) uses the term psychopomp to describe a Shaman as one who mediates between realities. One of the duties of the psychopomp is to shift “souls of the dead to the spirit world” (Walter and Neuman Fridman, 2004, p. 207). I have been shown whilst in the trance state that I exist in multiple dimensions of reality. I exist in the physical. I also know that I exist in consciousness, sitting out in space watching over the planet and that I also exist working in the vibratory plains of the planet, as a psychopomp, shifting lost souls into the light and out of the planets vibratory plains. I am also aware of the journey of my energy essence throughout time and space. Walter and Neuman- Fridman (2004, p. 205) state that Shamanic practitioners “typically report that they are conduits for spirits’ power”. In the past I have been a channel for the divine source to shift higher vibrational healing energy, through my heart consciousness into what Jung ( ITS Tutorial School, 2005) calls the collective unconscious or what I call the mass conscious. Also in the past, Spirit has shifted higher vibrational energy through my bodies of consciousness into the planetary consciousness. Whilst I act as a channel for healing grace, I am always shown how the higher vibrational healing energy flowing through me is made manifest. I have visions where I see the energy flowing into the mass conscious, all around the planet. Whilst I am aware that I am a channel for healing grace, I acknowledge that it is not me doing the healing. I am simply the channel that the Divine Source uses to shift the higher vibrational energy through.
One of the most important things I learnt whilst sitting with the Native American Indian teachers was that ceremony is also healing for mother earth. The energy created through sacred ceremony, which is created through the medicine wheel (which is a spiral pattern), can be vortexed into a scared site and into the energy grids of the planet. These healing ceremonies create harmony and balance within mother earth’s energetic grid system.
My own inner spiritual insights and learning’s gained from the other world, through the trance state, and what has been taught to me by my Indigenous teachers, has been validated by another group of scholars. Whitt, Norman and Grieves (2003, 10-11) state that as Indigenous people dance and sing, and the power created through ceremony helps to replenish the land. Whitt, Norman, Roberts and Grieve (2003, pp. 10-11) also state that the ceremonies held at sacred sites regenerate not just the surface of mother earth, but also right down inside the ground. Indigenous people are now talking about their responsibility of maintaining the energy grids of the planet. Kiesha Crowther, also known as Little Grandmother, founder of the Tribe of Many Colours, talks online (2010, http://vimeo.com/11191065) , about how she lays sacred crystals during sacred ceremony at specific sites on the planet for the balancing of the energy grids. Eileen Wani Wingfield (in Mc Conchie, 2003, p.23), Australian Indigenous Elder, states that their country is full of sacred sites,” and when it’s damaged, we got to dance”. My understanding of this is that the dance leads to the trance state in which healing can be made manifest for the damaged land.
Lorraine Mafi-Williams Australian Indigenous elder, ( in Freke 1999, 130-138) states that the Indigenous people have the responsibility to maintain the ‘energy grid’ which lies within Mother Earth’s crust and keeps the earth in balance. Mafi-Williams (cited in Freke 1999, 138) states that
“our people simply walk along the Earth and they could find fault in the energy grid. And they were able to energize the grid with crystals, or just human body energy going into the ground”.
Spirit taught me from within, that Indigenous ceremony at a sacred site is the equivalent of placing an acupuncture needle into an acupuncture point on the human body for healing purposes.
In telling this story, I didn’t come instantly to this inner knowing. I have had to learn many things on an individual level before my spiritual insights expanded into planetary insights. I am an ex- general and psychiatric nurse, so I have scientific knowledge from that period of my life. I sat with Hindu teachers to learn about the chakras and the spiritual anatomy of the soul. I learnt all about energy flow through the scientific world. I started my energy training looking at electrons, protons, neutrons and energy vibrations. I expanded my knowledge of energy into spiritual healing energy patterns through my attunements to Reiki , Sekhem and Seichim. I also learnt about environmental energy patterns through the writings of Starhawk, a pagan priestess. I was guided to do a basic Kinesiology course to learn about acupuncture points and the human bodies’ meridian system. In the Indigenous world I learnt all about the elements, the medicine wheel, ceremony and ritual, and women’s teachings. There was a long process of sitting in many realms of learning, involving most religions, complementary medicine and the scientific world, before I understood the mass conscious and planetary insights that spirit was teaching me. Each time I had to surrender to divine will, in order to enter a new phase of learning and to undergo the inner and hence outer transformation process of spiritual healing and purification. I spent many years in relative isolation, in physical and emotional pain.
Information that I gained in the trance state validates in my own mind, the teachings of Indigenous peoples. One only has to follow the news at present to hear about earthquakes, tsunami’s, floods, hurricanes flowing with increasing intensity across the planet. In my own mind it becomes clear that mother earth is in a state of imbalance. I often ask questions like, were destructive tornado’s present on the Lakota plains in the USA, prior to colonization? Prior to colonization, when there was a network of indigenous clan groups and tribes performing scared ceremony at sacred sites to keep mother earths, energy grids in harmony and balance, were there as many natural disasters occurring on the planet? The Indigenous people and their culture have been demonized by Christian missionaries and pathologized by science (Jilek, 2005, pp. 9-10). Information about the role of Indigenous people in planetary healing could be used for the healing of Indigenous people and the planet as a whole. Traditional Indigenous culture and spiritual practices play a vital role for the healing of mother earth.
Conclusion:
The knowledge of the trance state, in which otherworldly insights, understandings, spiritual guidance and healing can be received, is so important for the development of harmony and balance in the chaotic and unbalanced western world, where science is the authority figure and only evidence based knowledge has legitimacy. Associate Professor Richard Hutch (21/3/2011, in RELN7101) stated that science cannot find all the answers to all of the problems that are happening on the planet. Newberg (2010, pp.17-21) states that one of the goals of neurotheology is create a working relationship between science and religion and possibly create a new discourse between the two. The healing process is what is needed in the here and now. Humanity needs to rediscover the innate beauty that exists within all of creation and the need for the diversity of religious systems and phenomena. Healing is also required by humanity, so that we may all walk gently on mother earth with the desire to revitalize, replenish and stabilize her. The trance state is a pathway to that healing process, and because the trance state is a natural brain state (Winkleman, 1999, p.403), it is possible for everyone to enter the trance state and heal.
References:
Crowther, K. 2010. Kiesha Little Grandmother: One with Nature, viewed 19/1/2011, http://vimeo.com/11191065
Hutch, R. 2011. University of Queensland, Lecture on Psychology of Religion, RELN7101, (21/3/2011).
ITS Tutorial School, 2005. Psychology Dictionary and Glossary for Students, viewed 29/3/2011, http://www.tuition.com.hk/psychology/ .
Jilek, W.G. 2005. Transforming the Shaman: Changing Western Views of Shamanism and Altered States of Consciousness, in Investigacion en Salud, 7, 1, 8-15. http://www.medigraphic.com/pdfs/invsal/isg-2005/isg052c.pdf
Newberg, A.B. 2010. Principles of Neurotheology, Burlington, USA: Ashgate Publishing Company.
Mafi-Williams, L. 1999. Lorraine Mafi-Williams: Australian Aboriginal Tradition. In Shamanic Wisdom Keepers: Shamanism in the Modern World, T. Freke, Ed., 130-141. New York: Sterling Publishing Company.
Wingfield, E.W. 2003. ‘The Land’, in P. McConchie, (ed.), Elders: Wisdom from Australia’s Indigenous Leaders, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 11-26.
Metzner, R. 1998. ‘Hallucinogenic Drugs and Plants in Psychotherapy and Shamanism’, in Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 30, 4, 1-10.
Shaw, S. 2001, ‘Lose touch with the earth and lose touch with life’, in A. Dearling & B. Hanely, Eds., Alternative Australia: Celebrating Cultural Diversity, Lyme Regis, Dorset: An Enabler Publication, 200-207.
Seybold, K.S. 2007. Explorations in neuroscience, psychology and religion, Aldershot, England: Ashgate, ch.6, 75-86.
Walter, M.N. & E.J. Neuman Fridman (eds.). 2004. Shamanism- Encyclopaedia of World Beliefs, Practices and Culture, Vol. 1, Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO .
Winkleman,M. 1997, ‘Altered States of Consciousness,’ in Glazier, S.,ED, Anthropology of Religion: A Handbook of Method and Theory. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 393-428.
Whitt, L.A., M. Roberts, W. Norman, V. Grieves. 2003. ‘Indigenous Perspectives’, in A Companion to Environmental Philosophy, 1st ed., D. Jamieson. 2003, 3-20. Malden: Blackwell Publishing.
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