This essay will attempt to explore the similarities between Pastor Brian Houston, the head Pastor of Hillsong Church, a Pentecostal mega church, and the theoretical framework of shamans and shamanistic practices. It will attempt to draw a link between Pastor Houston and the role of a modern day shaman and show a direct relationship between the spiritual qualities exhibited by Pastor Houston and those used in describing shaman. It will be shown that through these similarities lies a spiritual link and that Pastor Houston can be considered as a modern day shaman. Although such a proposal may be somewhat contradictory to the Christian perception of shaman and their practices, a definitive link is seen when a neutral perspective is taken. This will illuminate certain facets of Pentecostal services, as performed by Pastor Houston, which coincide with the structure of ritual shamanic practices.
Degrees of altered states of consciousness (ASC), trance and meditative practices are present throughout the religious services conducted by Pastor Houston. Shamans use ASC to enter the spirit realm and draw upon such forces for healing and spiritualistic purposes (Jilek, 2005). Glossolalia and outward displays of prayer can be seen as stages of ASC which become attained during services led by Pastor Houston (SMH). Such degrees of ASC are utilized by the Pastor to become overwhelmed by the presence of the Holy Spirit. It is once possessed by the Holy Spirit that Pastor Houston is able to provide healing and spiritual nourishment, which is further propagated outwards towards the congregation (SMH). It will be discussed in detail that ASC elicited by Pentecostal pastors such as Pastor Houston correlate directly with those experienced by Shaman. Pastor Houston was not chosen specifically for this dissection, for these purposes he may be considered the archetypal Pentecostal minister and much of the similarities surrounding Pastor Houston can be used interchangeably with many Pentecostal ministers, also exhibiting shamanic qualities.
Shamans are spiritual and religious leaders who possess the ability to channel spirits by means of ASC induced through enthogenic or ritualistic practices (Modern Day Shamanism). They are channelled for the purpose of spiritual healing, guidance and enlightenment. The shaman is seen as possessing the ability to transcend the living realm, allowing for communication and interaction with supernatural spirits (Peters & Prince-William, 1980). Such communication is granted through trance, meditation, prayer and chanting, vital initiatory components for ASC induction (Jilek, 2005). The role of the shaman has been acknowledged as having a degree of fluidity, in which definitions can encompass particular aspects of religious and spiritual requirement at varying levels of shamanic practices (McCann, 2000). In essence, shamans play important roles as social healers, spiritual leaders, soul guides and teachers. For this essay a modern day shaman is considered to be anyone displaying qualities through their respective ritualistic or religious practices, whereby a similarity is drawn by adapting ancient wisdom to modern applications (King, 2002).
Several coinciding characteristics can be identified within Pastor Houston and his practices which may be considered of shamanic origin, or having a degree of similarity to shamanic ideologies. Transcendent states of consciousness are exhibited through outward displays of prayer, glossolalia and the laying of hands when overcome by the Holy Spirit. Such a possessive state is considered necessary for promoting spiritual healing within those in which it is required (Wagner). This is a particularly important characteristic seen in both ancient and modern shaman, the ability to bridge the gap between the spiritual and earthly realm and utilising such ability for spiritual and physical healing. The role of the Pastor (Houston) is one of a spiritual healer, teacher and advisor, a community leadership role shared with ancient shaman (King, 2002). Spirit worship is evident through worship of the Holy Spirit and its healing powers, a characteristic somewhat removed from the shamanic framework of multiple spirit worship. Such a progression can be seen as evolutionary shamanistic practice, a divergence from calling upon multiple spirits to a singular entity. Despite this deviation, the shamanic principle of spirit manipulation has been retained. This becomes evident in Pastor Houston through the possession of the Holy Spirit and the wielding of the spiritual powers.
When questioned as to whether or not Pastor Houston possesses shamanic similarities in his religious and spiritual methodology it can be assumed that, due to the Christian viewpoint of shaman and occultist practices, Pastor Houston would refute the suggestion of any possible resemblance. Pentecostal Christians view shamanic and spiritual worship as a sinful act against God (Jilek, 2005). There is little evidence to suggest otherwise that Pastor Houston would draw any comparison between himself and ancient shamanic ritual practices. This becomes interesting when viewed from the perspective of a non-Christian neutral observer. The shamanic belief is one of soulful and spiritual healing through the interaction and channelling of spirits (Modern Day Shamanism). Conversely, the Christian belief views this as a sinful practice. Such an approach appears to be selective. Possessions by the Holy Spirit, such as those experienced by Pastor Houston are deemed acceptable whereas shamanic possessions are considered evil. In light of this it is still argued that the Christian Pentecostal perspective as that upheld by Pastor Houston would be unable to draw reason from such a comparison.
ASC and stages of ASC are of considerable importance in Pastor Houston’s profession, as they are with all Pentecostal ministers. It is critical to note that such episodes of ASC would often not be acknowledged as such in the Christian community. Without religious or spiritual bias ASC episodes such as glossolalia, possessions by the Holy Spirit and the laying of hands are considered to be deliberately induced forms of ASC. An important aspect of eliciting such episodes of ASC in Pastor Houston is the accompaniment of music alongside healing sessions. Repetitive, charismatic, intense music is known to be a necessary driver for inducing an ASC and is a common component of shamanic healing ceremonies (Prattis). Such music is played extensively during religious proceedings held by Pastor Houston and serves to incite a frenzy of ecstasy within the crowd, assisting eliciting an ASC within the speaker (Houston), the crowd and promoting a transcendent state by proxy through the speaker into the crowd (SMH).
Shamanic practitioners have the ability to self-induce an ASC within themselves for healing and spiritual requirements. They may also induce an ASC within clients or devotees through symbols, hypnosis or suggestive methods (Jilek, 2005). This is of significance when considering that Pentecostal congregations such as those led by Pastor Houston experience varying degrees of ASC within themselves as induced through their spiritual leader (Houston). This reinforces the notion in which the shaman (Houston) has an extent of control over the spiritual possession for which it can be propagated outwardly. Further control is seen when slipping between ASC and conscious thought. Shamans are differentiated by their control of degrees of ASC and when they choose to enter and leave such states (Peters & Prince-William, 1980). This idea extends towards selectively changing between glossolalia, blessings from the Holy Spirit and meditative prayer as seen during healing practices exhibited by Pastor Houston.
Servicing the communities spiritual and religious needs, as seen with ancient shamanic healers and practitioners, is an important component of Christian Pastoral care. These practices are important in promoting spiritual healing, fellowship and harmony amongst devotees. Ancient shamans were considered important community and spiritual leaders and this role has been reinforced through many modern day shamans such as Pastor Brian Houston. It was this similarity in community care, coupled with transcendent states of ASC witnessed in Pentecostal services which aided in choosing Pastor Houston for comparative analysis as a modern day shaman. By further examination of many modern day religious and spiritual practices and leaders, more individuals may be re-profiled and deemed to be modern day shaman; and their practices and belief structures showing links to ancient spiritual belief.
References:
Hillsong’s True Believers, Online Newspaper Article, Sydney Morning Herald, Viewed 3 May 2011
http://www.smh.com.au/news/National/Hillsongs-true-believers/2004/11/06/1099547435083.html
Jilek, WG 2005 'Transforming the Shaman: Changing Western Views of Shamanism and Altered States of Consciousness', ArtÃculo de investigación, vol. 7, no. 1, pp. 8-15.
King, SK 2002, Modern Shamanism, Website Article, Aloha International, Viewed 2 May 2011
http://www.huna.org/html/modshmn.html
Prattis, I ‘Healing Journeys: Shamanism as Therapy’, available online at: http://www.namastecafe.com/download/healingjourneys.pdf
Peters, LG & Prince-Williams, D 1980 ‘Towards an Experiential Analysis of Shamanism’, American Ethnologist, vol. 7, no. 3, pp. 397-418.
McCann, V 2000, Modern Shamanism, Website Article, Spotlight Ministries, Viewed 3 May, 2011
http://www.spotlightministries.org.uk/shaman.htm
Modern Day Shamanism, Website Article, Modern Day Shamanism, Viewed 3 May, 2011
http://www.moderndayshamanism.com/what_is.php
Wagner, S, The Shamanic Healing, Website Article, Newage Mystic, Viewed 2 May, 2011
http://newagemystic.com/shamanichealing.aspx
Wednesday, May 4, 2011
Reiki: The Power of Universal Life Energy- Nidean Dickson
Originating from Tibetan Sutras and later resurging in Eastern Oriental traditions, Reiki has become a prominent form of touch healing. This essay aims to outline the components of Reiki and the interconnected relationship between the role of the practitioner and recipient as an essential form of healing and how it has been incorporated in a medical field. The fundamental elements of Reiki are explained as an intrinsic element to the mind and body that is conceptualised by Martha Roger’s theory of Unitary Human Beings that is further validated in modern medicine. Reiki practitioner’s vary from first degree to third degree practitioners and act as a conduit of energy to become a channel for healing through methodical hand placements. The transmission of the recipient’s energy through the practitioner allows the exploration of several states of awareness in correlation with sensory experience that is identified through symbolism and liminality. Evidently, Reiki as a touch healing therapy or practice is an ancient tradition that fundamentally relies on the imperative interconnected relationship between the practitioner and recipient that forms a mediumistic channel of energy transference essential to the healing process.
Reiki utilises universal energy through touch therapy as a way of healing that deviates from dogma and instead is identified as a holistic integrative practice that aligns the body, spirit and mind through energy force. Literally translated as universal life energy that acknowledges the relationship between the mind, soul and energy, Reiki is formed from two separate terms “rei” and “ki” (Wetzel 1989, p. 48). According to Bullock (1997, p. 31) “rei” is defined as a “universal spirit, unlimited [and] the cosmic force of the universe.” Conversely, “ki” is attributed to an energy force that contemporary shaman Alberto Villoldo (cited in Koda 2008) described as the imperative nature and immensity of “ki” in the sphere of life as thinking of “ki” as “rain, or the fluid waters of life.” Thus, the innate characteristics of Reiki highlighted the intrinsic universality and all-encompassing relationship between life, energy and force. Medical practitioner Martha Rogers explains “ki” through the theory of Unitary Human Beings that the “unitary nature of the individual is in the natural interaction with the environment… [and therefore] the unitary human being is an energy field interrelated with the universe” (Chang 2003, p. 104). This is corroborated by Meleis (2007, p. 391) arguing the irreducible nature of the unitary human being and energy force by stating that “human beings and environments do not have energy fields; they are energy fields.” Evidently, Reiki relies on the interconnected and universal relationship between life and energy as a healing modality which is a direct correlate of Eastern philosophy that identifies the significance of universal energy as a way to sustain the physical of which is the human body (Gilbert 2004, p.480). Chang (2003, p.103) highlights the importance of healing by emphasising the role of the integration of body and mind to achieve an optimal healing state. To medical practitioners healing is an intrinsic process to patient care which identifies the significance of Reiki as a motivational and evidential took to “invite nurses to return to the ontological foundation of their practice…that is, person-nature environment” (Vitale 2006, p.192). By incorporating Reiki method into nursing practice several positive effects have been collated through qualitative data such as a higher level of relaxation that enables positive well-being, decrease in anxiety and blood pressure and facilitating an attitude toward an increased quality of life (Potter 2007, p. 239). Thus, the fundamental characteristics of Reiki are vital to healing processes in a spiritual and medical realm that utilises energy transference through touch vibrations produces by a Reiki practitioner.
At varying degrees, Reiki practitioners act as a conduit for the transmission of energy through a series of hand placements that allow healing to occur that can be mutually beneficial for both the practitioner and the recipient. There are three varying degrees of the level of Reiki practitioner that consecutively increase in responsibility and depth. According to Wardell (2008, p. 440) the first degree healer “becomes sensitised to imbalances of energy, and in the second the Reiki energy is accentuated for faster and deeper results… and at the third or Master level a commitment is made to Reiki as life’s work.” Reiki practitioners do not initiate or direct the healing but rather act as a medium for energy flow that is produced from the placement of hands over the head, torso and lower body to impose on the primordial consciousness that highlights the differing aspect of Reiki in comparison to other bioenergetic modes of healing (Horrigan & Miles 2003, 76). Practitioner Pamela Miles (cited in Horrigan & Miles 2003, p. 76) identifies the effect of Reiki treatment on the practitioner by stating “when I place my hands on someone it’s like feeling an orchestra in my palms- I feel many different volts and qualities of vibrations, and it keeps changing.” Through the ability to attune vibrations the Reiki practitioner is able to identify the intrinsic components of the healing that is classified on a mental, emotional, spiritual and physical level which in turn fulfils the philosophy of Reiki as a holistic “system of subtle vibrational healing” (Horrigan & Miles 2003, p. 76). Therefore, it is imperative for the practitioner to embody sincerity and experience to be an effective conduit of energy flow as “touch acts just as a stone thrown into a lake” (Chang 2003, p. 107). Effectively, the practitioner is essential to how the recipient is affected by the Reiki healing based on the practitioner’s spirituality and ability to be inwardly attuned to be a conduit for energy (La Torne 2005, p. 184). Conversely, the recipient also plays a vital role in the transference of energy and ability to enable healing as the practitioner and recipient act as complementary characters in Reiki.
In receiving a Reiki healing, a patient will endure several different phases prior and during the healing that explores several states of awareness and experiences that are assimilated with intention to direct the energy force imperative to optimise healing. Initially, it is vital that prior to Reiki the recipient recognises the necessity for the healing which is “based on the premise that thought follows energy and energy follows intent” (Bullock 1997, p.31). Intention in the pre-therapeutic phase acts as a precursor to the direction and ability of energy to flow during the treatment. Often during Reiki a patient experiences a change in the state of awareness that can be associated with a liminal state which has been identified as “optimal states for healing” (McClenton 2005, p. 328). Originally van Gennep (cited in Perez 1986, p. xiii) described liminality as “a phase, a fleeting, ephemeral moment destined for supersession.” Turner (cited in Perez 1986, p. xiii) elaborates on van Gennep’s explanation of liminality by transforming it into a spatial view that goes beyond the concept of a threshold towards “a place of habitation.” Effectively Turner (1969, p. 95) classifies the ambiguity of liminality as “the entities [that] are neither here nor there; they are betwixt and between the positions assigned and arrayed by law, custom, convention and ceremonial.By applying the concept of liminality to the altered state of awareness associated with a Reiki healing there is a significant effect on the orientation in time, place and self that explicitly reflects the affects of altering between two altered states of consciousness or a “threshold”. Reiki recipients often reported the experience of time either accelerating or decelerating with either no knowledge or hyper awareness of the natural surroundings that contributed to the ambiguity of self perception (Engebretson & Wardell 2002, p.51.) In addition to perceptive alterations, sensory experiences are also strongly prevalent during Reiki. Several participants have reported “numbness, involuntary muscle twitching, and feelings of heat, which are clustered into sensations in temperature, sound … and discordant touch” (Engebretson & Wardell 2002, p. 51). Subjectively, during my Reiki healing with a level two practitioner, my visual and aural sensory awareness heightened and I felt a strong sense of relaxation that enabled an unexpected emotional response. Evidently, a heightened state of awareness and sensory experiences affect the cognition of the recipient as feelings of relaxation and calmness that leads to emotional transformations of clarification or detachment that would otherwise not be achieved in the ordinary waking state (Engebretson & Wardell 2002, p.52). Thus, through the ability to affect the spiritual, emotional and physical states of the participant, Reiki can be seen as a prominent and successful form of healing that embraces the interconnected relationship energy transference produces between body, spirit and mind.
As a result, the universal life energy force as an essential element of Reiki is vital to the process of healing. By reverting back to a holistic practice, Reiki identifies the intrinsic nature between life and the environment as a direct impact of a universal energy. The characteristics fundamental to the development of this energy defined by the unitary human being significantly contributes to the appeal and effectiveness of Reiki in medical practices, particularly nursing, as a way to attain optimal healing. Optimal healing is achieved through the use of vibrations through hand placements to formulate energy that are attuned by varying degrees of Reiki practitioners who act as a conduit for energy transference. However, the transference of energy is co-dependent on the role of the recipient in providing intention and acceptance for the healing. This intention then allows the energy to alter states of awareness, cognition and sensory experiences to contribute to healing process of the affected areas of the participant to highlight relationship between energy, the mind and the body. Evidently, as a universal life energy force Reiki highlights the imperative relationship between the practitioner and recipient to capture the essence of healing as an intrinsic element that is derived from the interconnectedness between body, mind and spirit.
Chang, SO 2003, ‘The nature of touch therapy related to Ki: practitioner’s perspective’, Nursing and Health Sciences, vol. 5, pp. 103-114, viewed 18 April 2011, Engerbretson, J & Wardell, DW 2002, ‘Experience of a Reiki session’, Alternative Therapies in Health, vol. 8, no. 2, pp. 48-53. Gilbert, TC 2004, ‘Reiki: the re-emergence of an ancient healing art in modern times’, Home Health Care Management and Practice, vol. 16, no. 6, pp. 490-488, viewed 18 April 2011, Horrigan, B & Miles, P, 2003, ‘Pamela Miles, Reiki vibrational healing’, Alternative Therapies in Health and Medicine, vol. 9, no. 4, pp. 74-84. La Torne, M 2005, ‘Integrative perspectives- the use of Reiki in psychotherapy’, Perspective in Psychiatric Care, vol. 41, no. 4, pp. 184-187, viewed 28 April 2011, McClenton, RJ 2005, Spirits of the lesser Gods, Dissertation, Florida. Meleis, AI 2007, Theoretical nursing: development and progress, Lippincott, Williams and Wilkins, Philadelphia. Perez, G 1986, Literature and liminality: festive readings in the Hispanic tradition, Duke University Press, Firmat. Turner, V 1969, The ritual process: structure and anti-structure, Walter de Gruyler Incoporated, Berlin. Villoldo, A 2005, ‘Mending the past and healing the future with soul retrieval’, in K Koda, Sacred path of Reiki: healing as a spiritual discipline, Llewellyn Publications, Minnesota, p. 129. Vitale, A 2006, ‘The use of selected energy touch modalities as supportive nursing interventions’, Holistic Nursing Practice, vol. 20, no. 4, pp. 191-196. Wardell, DW 2008, ‘Biological correlates of Reiki touch healing’, Journal of Advanced Nursing, vol.33, no. 4, pp. 439-445, viewed 19 April 2011, Wetzel, WS 1989, ‘Reiki healing: a physiologic perspective’, Journal of Holistic Nursing, vol. 7, no. 1, pp.47-54, viewed 18 April 2011,
Reference List
Bullock, M 1997, ‘Reiki: a complementary therapy for life’, American Journal of Hospice and Palliative Medicine, vol. 14, no. 31, pp. 31-33, viewed 21 April 2011,
Potter, PJ 2007, ‘Breast, biopsy and distress: feasibility of testing a Reiki intervention’, Journal of Holistic Nursing, vol. 25, no. 4, pp. 238-248, viewed 19 April 2011,
Friday, April 1, 2011
A Comparitive Analysis of Religious Ritual and Obsessive Compulsive Disorder
The similarities between the practice of religious ritual and the compulsive symptoms of Obsessive Compulsive Disorder are unavoidable. These connections are immediately apparent when learning of the elaborate and explicit rules of which most rituals are composed (if not when first told only of the degree of cleansing often involved!), and are prevalent in historic religious practice through to the modern day. Without seeing the analogy through, one could easily be influenced by these initial similarities and align oneself with either a total denial of the legitimacy of religious practice or of the apparent and seemingly harmful correlations. Hence, it should be made clear from the outset that the purpose of this paper is not to pathologize the practice of religious rituals; such a design is best left to more qualified minds. This paper seeks only to examine religious ritual in comparison with descriptions of OCD, with respect to the similarities and differences. Such an analysis serves the purposes of understanding both “how far” the comparison is applicable and by extension the importance of the religious ritual to it's practitioners with respect to it's deviation from the described OCD experience.
The most striking similarity between religious ritual and Obsessive Compulsive Disorder lies in the description of the Compulsive symptoms a patient of the latter often suffers. “Repetitive behaviors...or mental acts...that the person feels driven to perform in response to an obsession, or according to rules that must be applied rigidly” (P. Silva, “Culture and obsessive-compulsive disorder”). Such compulsions are “aimed at preventing or reducing distress, or preventing some dreaded event” (G. Craig et al, “Relationship Between Religion and Obsessive Phenomena”), the dreaded events are usually believed to threaten the individual or those close to them (G. Craig et al, “Relationship Between Religion and Obsessive Phenomena”). The beliefs surrounding Inkosazana in the Zulu culture are fairly typical in this regard; it is believed that if the rules and rituals surrounding the figure are not adhered to, “she will inflict them [the community] with...drought, floods or tornadoes, starvation and disease.”(P. Bernard. “The Fertility Goddess of the Zulu: Reflections on a calling to Inkosazana's Pool”) The fear of 'punishment' for violation of Inkosazana's rules is readily comparable with the experience of the sufferer of OCD. However, the concerns of dreaded events are generally not limited to only the individual rather, the impact of a digression from the rules effects the entire community. It is, however, worth noting that in some cases such as the unwelcome individual trespassing into a sacred space of Inkosazana's pool, the consequences affect only the individual. One could hypothesize that such an expansion of the “effect radius” of a straying from practice is the result of a more encompassing sense of community and family. This “effect radius” can even expand to encompass the entire world, as is the case with the Huichol indians who believe that their annual peyote pilgrimage is necessary to prevent the destruction of the world (B. Myerhoff, “Peyote hunt: the sacred journey of the Huichol Indians”). A further deviation from the compulsive ritual is that often a believer who follows the ritual correctly receives a reward, rather than simply avoiding punishment. It could be argued that for this reason, religious ritual is not obsessive in nature as the compulsive actions do not serve only to reduce the anxiety surrounding the obsessive thoughts and in fact, the religious practice is not based on an individual experience of obsessive concerns- such concerns are shared by the entire community.
From the psychological point of view, obsessive compulsive disorder cannot be diagnosed unless “the obsessions or compulsions cause marked distress, are time-consuming...or significantly interfere with...usual social activities or relationships.” (P. Silva, “Culture and obsessive compulsive disorder”) The Huichol Indians in their peyote pilgrimage make a trip through the desert, often taking many days to complete (B. Myerhoff, “Peyote hunt: the sacred journey of the Huichol Indians”), Penny Bernard describes a rather long journey through difficult terrain as she answers the calling of Inkosazana (P. Bernard. “The Fertility Goddess of the Zulu: Reflections on a calling to Inkosazana's Pool”), and Tibetan Buddhists spend twelve days in ceremony creating a “Mandala” out of sand ( B. Bryant, “The wheel of time sand mandala: visual scripture of Tibetan Buddhism”). If an office worker in a western context were compelled to partake in rituals of such duration in accordance with an obsession and in addition to his usual societal obligations and beliefs, the diagnosis would certainly apply. This brings us to the key difference between religious ritual and OCD; religious ritual follows societal norms. Practitioners of ritual are not prevented from performing duties that would be considered “normal” as the rituals they practice are part of what the society deems “normal” (One can imagine a community of Huichol Indians in which a member felt compelled to dress in a suit and tie every morning and couldn't help but work in an office 8 hours a day to abate his obsessional fear of dependence). This in itself brings us do a further difference, the rituals of the Obsessive Compulsive are private, based on the individual's internal logic (S. Freud, “Obsessive Actions and Religious Practices”), wheras religious ritual is based on the cultural beliefs and the logic built upon such. Furthermore, Obsessive rituals are “not realistically connected to what they are intended to prevent” (J. Abramowitz et al, “Obsessive-compulsive disorder”). In the case of religious practice the term “realistically” causes us to pause for a moment. In the sense of Western scientific understanding of the processes of the natural world, there is no realistic connection between making a desert pilgrimage to consume peyote with the prevention of the end of the world, nor is the maintaining of a special garden necessarily related with the success of the community, however the cultures who practice such rituals believe strongly that the actions and the consequences are unavoidably linked. The problem encountered is once more that of cultural context. The worldview surrounding these rituals makes the connection between the anxiety and the ritual a very real and definite one.
The practice of religious ritual bears some baseline resemblance to descriptions of Obsessive Compulsive disorder, however, upon further examination, one finds that such similarities are perhaps little more than superficial. Religious ritual acts in accordance with societal beliefs and is not generally detrimental to an individuals function within that society. It is often considered to be beneficial by those who practice it, and serves as the logical extension of the values of the culture. Sigmund Freud once described the experience of Obsessive Compulsive Disorder as “ a travesty, half comic and half tragic, of a private religion,” and perhaps it is so that the comparison is presented in the wrong order, not that religion bears a resemblance to a psychiatric ailment, but that OCD could be seen as an individual's expression of a sort of religious system.
References:
J. Abramowitz, S. Taylor, D. McKay. Obsessive-compulsive disorder. www.thelancet.net Vol 374, August 8, 2009
C. Gonsalvez, A. Hains, G. Stoyles. Relationship between religion and obsessive phenomena. Australian Journal of Psychology, Vol 62, No. 2 June 2010
P. Silva. Culture and obsessive-compulsive disorder. Elsevier Ltd, 2006
B. Myerhoff. Peyote hunt: The Sacred Journey of the Huichol indians. Cornell University Press, 1976
B. Bryant. The wheel of time sand mandala: visual scripture of tibetan buddhism. Snow Lion Publications, 2003
S. Freud. Obsessive Actions and Religious Practices. Sigmund Freud, The Standard Edition, Vol. IX. Translated by James A Strachey. London: The Hogarth Press, 1959.
P. Bernard. The Fertility Goddess of the Zulu: Reflections on a calling to Inkosazana's Pool. Deep Blue: Critical Reflections on Nature Religion and Water, London: Equinox Publications, 2008
The most striking similarity between religious ritual and Obsessive Compulsive Disorder lies in the description of the Compulsive symptoms a patient of the latter often suffers. “Repetitive behaviors...or mental acts...that the person feels driven to perform in response to an obsession, or according to rules that must be applied rigidly” (P. Silva, “Culture and obsessive-compulsive disorder”). Such compulsions are “aimed at preventing or reducing distress, or preventing some dreaded event” (G. Craig et al, “Relationship Between Religion and Obsessive Phenomena”), the dreaded events are usually believed to threaten the individual or those close to them (G. Craig et al, “Relationship Between Religion and Obsessive Phenomena”). The beliefs surrounding Inkosazana in the Zulu culture are fairly typical in this regard; it is believed that if the rules and rituals surrounding the figure are not adhered to, “she will inflict them [the community] with...drought, floods or tornadoes, starvation and disease.”(P. Bernard. “The Fertility Goddess of the Zulu: Reflections on a calling to Inkosazana's Pool”) The fear of 'punishment' for violation of Inkosazana's rules is readily comparable with the experience of the sufferer of OCD. However, the concerns of dreaded events are generally not limited to only the individual rather, the impact of a digression from the rules effects the entire community. It is, however, worth noting that in some cases such as the unwelcome individual trespassing into a sacred space of Inkosazana's pool, the consequences affect only the individual. One could hypothesize that such an expansion of the “effect radius” of a straying from practice is the result of a more encompassing sense of community and family. This “effect radius” can even expand to encompass the entire world, as is the case with the Huichol indians who believe that their annual peyote pilgrimage is necessary to prevent the destruction of the world (B. Myerhoff, “Peyote hunt: the sacred journey of the Huichol Indians”). A further deviation from the compulsive ritual is that often a believer who follows the ritual correctly receives a reward, rather than simply avoiding punishment. It could be argued that for this reason, religious ritual is not obsessive in nature as the compulsive actions do not serve only to reduce the anxiety surrounding the obsessive thoughts and in fact, the religious practice is not based on an individual experience of obsessive concerns- such concerns are shared by the entire community.
From the psychological point of view, obsessive compulsive disorder cannot be diagnosed unless “the obsessions or compulsions cause marked distress, are time-consuming...or significantly interfere with...usual social activities or relationships.” (P. Silva, “Culture and obsessive compulsive disorder”) The Huichol Indians in their peyote pilgrimage make a trip through the desert, often taking many days to complete (B. Myerhoff, “Peyote hunt: the sacred journey of the Huichol Indians”), Penny Bernard describes a rather long journey through difficult terrain as she answers the calling of Inkosazana (P. Bernard. “The Fertility Goddess of the Zulu: Reflections on a calling to Inkosazana's Pool”), and Tibetan Buddhists spend twelve days in ceremony creating a “Mandala” out of sand ( B. Bryant, “The wheel of time sand mandala: visual scripture of Tibetan Buddhism”). If an office worker in a western context were compelled to partake in rituals of such duration in accordance with an obsession and in addition to his usual societal obligations and beliefs, the diagnosis would certainly apply. This brings us to the key difference between religious ritual and OCD; religious ritual follows societal norms. Practitioners of ritual are not prevented from performing duties that would be considered “normal” as the rituals they practice are part of what the society deems “normal” (One can imagine a community of Huichol Indians in which a member felt compelled to dress in a suit and tie every morning and couldn't help but work in an office 8 hours a day to abate his obsessional fear of dependence). This in itself brings us do a further difference, the rituals of the Obsessive Compulsive are private, based on the individual's internal logic (S. Freud, “Obsessive Actions and Religious Practices”), wheras religious ritual is based on the cultural beliefs and the logic built upon such. Furthermore, Obsessive rituals are “not realistically connected to what they are intended to prevent” (J. Abramowitz et al, “Obsessive-compulsive disorder”). In the case of religious practice the term “realistically” causes us to pause for a moment. In the sense of Western scientific understanding of the processes of the natural world, there is no realistic connection between making a desert pilgrimage to consume peyote with the prevention of the end of the world, nor is the maintaining of a special garden necessarily related with the success of the community, however the cultures who practice such rituals believe strongly that the actions and the consequences are unavoidably linked. The problem encountered is once more that of cultural context. The worldview surrounding these rituals makes the connection between the anxiety and the ritual a very real and definite one.
The practice of religious ritual bears some baseline resemblance to descriptions of Obsessive Compulsive disorder, however, upon further examination, one finds that such similarities are perhaps little more than superficial. Religious ritual acts in accordance with societal beliefs and is not generally detrimental to an individuals function within that society. It is often considered to be beneficial by those who practice it, and serves as the logical extension of the values of the culture. Sigmund Freud once described the experience of Obsessive Compulsive Disorder as “ a travesty, half comic and half tragic, of a private religion,” and perhaps it is so that the comparison is presented in the wrong order, not that religion bears a resemblance to a psychiatric ailment, but that OCD could be seen as an individual's expression of a sort of religious system.
References:
J. Abramowitz, S. Taylor, D. McKay. Obsessive-compulsive disorder. www.thelancet.net Vol 374, August 8, 2009
C. Gonsalvez, A. Hains, G. Stoyles. Relationship between religion and obsessive phenomena. Australian Journal of Psychology, Vol 62, No. 2 June 2010
P. Silva. Culture and obsessive-compulsive disorder. Elsevier Ltd, 2006
B. Myerhoff. Peyote hunt: The Sacred Journey of the Huichol indians. Cornell University Press, 1976
B. Bryant. The wheel of time sand mandala: visual scripture of tibetan buddhism. Snow Lion Publications, 2003
S. Freud. Obsessive Actions and Religious Practices. Sigmund Freud, The Standard Edition, Vol. IX. Translated by James A Strachey. London: The Hogarth Press, 1959.
P. Bernard. The Fertility Goddess of the Zulu: Reflections on a calling to Inkosazana's Pool. Deep Blue: Critical Reflections on Nature Religion and Water, London: Equinox Publications, 2008
Thursday, March 31, 2011
The Significance of Masks in Ritual and Spirituality - Omar Khateeb
The Significance of Masks
What is a mask? Is a mask just an ornament or article worn on the face for disguise, entertainment purposes or even as a form of protection? (Feinup-Riordan, 21). Masks have commonly been used during ritual and spiritual services and have been used to create, amplify or fulfill the wearer’s identity or sense of inner spirituality. Ritual masks can be found throughout the world and the functions of these masks in ritual are usually religious or magically inclined. Some characteristics include the enabling of communication with the unseen, undead, or giving magical powers to shamans or spiritual healers within tribes and various communities who wear them. This review article will explore the different themes, within different cultures, regarding the use of masks in ritual, and how it coincides and relates to identity building in ceremonies and proceedings.
In the study done by Meschutt et al in 1992, the notion of masks incorporated in death rituals is discussed and explored. They mention that, when a death arises within a tightly knit community with shared cultural and religious values (315), the deceased’s memory lives on as a life passage, or as a reminder in the creation of a mask. They proceed to explain that life and death masks were made for many different reasons, but specifically before photography was invented, life masks were the closest representations of an individual, whereas death masks served to preserve an individual’s features as a token of remembrance (positive and negative), and was also used when building statues. According to Meschutt et al, In the late 1890s, Laurence Hutton, who published ‘Portraits in plaster’ separated the creation of life and death masks into two categories, ‘the famous and the infamous’ (318). The category of the infamous was occupied by criminals, convicts, felons and so on (post-execution), however life masks for such felons also exist.
According to Keats (105), masks are also used as an expressive tool, as many therapists aid their clients in discovering the different ‘faces’ of the self; studying the differences in speech, gestures and mannerisms they portray upon donning a mask. And being both culturally and spiritually based, such masks represent a ‘multi-dimension’ (106) or second face to the face. Wearing a mask also gives the wearer a sense of freedom, the ability to perform acts or act in such a way they would not do in their everyday lives, or even be the mask (animal masks - acting like the animal, being the animal). Masked faces also portray different semiotics in the sense that they are used not only in spiritual and cultural contexts, but also for entertainment purposes, as a disguise or different facets of human nature. Evidence of the mask and its aura of spiritual power, specifically in ritual and healing processes, therapists began using masks within their realms of psychotherapy (107). Further exploring the study, it was found that patients with self-esteem issues and confidence issues enabled them to behave more socially and with newfound attitudes, acting almost as a ‘mediator between the client’s conscious and unconscious worlds of self’ (107).
Between Asian cultures, such as Japan and Balinese cultures, the donning of masks in ritual is strikingly correlated. Most masks are used in ritual and spiritual processes that, in turn, enable them to involve themselves in a ‘mysterious, other-worldliness that is apparent even to those who are uninitiated’ (Caldiron, 227). It is probable that such masks developed out of indigenous religious practices without any foreign influence; each has a strong identity and powerful, sometimes legendary, aura within the culture.
A report was published in the September 1980 issue of The Alcalde which explored the notions involved with mask wearing in the tribal regions of Mexico. Researcher, Donald Couldry, discovered that the masks were not just merely a disguise, but is also ‘a significant function that relates to shamanism, symbolism and social uses’ (20). He found that the Mexican Indians believed that the act of covering one’s face relates directly to the soul, and that Mexican masks were understood as mystical devices of transformation in which the ‘wearers become someone or something else’ (20).
A typical cliche that one may encounter when studying African art, or ritual practices is that men are the only ones who wear masks, while the women prepare, cook and clean for the festivities or ceremony. I was amazed when I read that women, too, don the masks and have their own rituals and ceremonies as well. In Zambia, men and women face initiations (men- mukanda, women- mwadi) (Cameron, 50), who would have thought that women also partake in mask-wearing festivities! In the 1998 study by Elizabeth Cameron, she spends time in the Kabompo district in Zambia to learn, observe and participate in the initiation rituals of men and women. Mwadi, meaning the initiation of the potential mother, is experienced as an interethnic ritual and is easily recognized by women from different ethnic tribes. When a young female matures (signified and recognized by her breast development), the family prepares and plans her initiation. The women, during their initiation phase, don masks and dance, guided by the four basic elements, first, her entire attire (clothes, mask, acoustic mask) acts as a disguise (focussing on aural presence), second, the transformation occurs, third, the masks as a mediator between structures, and fourth, the mask is seen as a medium of articulating power (57). The mask is not only seen as a means of disguise, but also as an intercessor, a medium of transformation. A completely new identity is created via the wearing of a mask, a journey to say the least.
In conclusion, the different cultures examined and explored today all demonstrated similar characteristics in relation to mask wearing. The mask is more than just a simple disguise, in ritual it is seen as a medium of transformation, a deity that enables one to be free, to be someone, or something, that they are not. Masks create identities for the wearer, an identity that he or she may never dream of showing or pursuing when they are ‘themselves’. Although different masks play different roles and have different powers across the various cultures and traditions, they each interrelate through similarity of function, interpretation - they all serve purposes. I understand that the relationship must be harmonious and respectful with the ‘divine’ entities or powers involved in the rituals or ceremonies, and that full focus and intention also plays a huge role in successful mask wearing for ritualistic and spiritual practices. This was an interesting topic to explore, although I have covered minor facets, there is still much more to learn about this fascinating practice.
‘The mask can be a limitation, but you just deal with it. You do get superhuman strength and pumpkin bombs and all this other stuff to express yourself with.' - William Defoe.
References
Cameron, Elizabeth L. "Women=Masks: Initiation Arts in North-Western Province, Zambia." African Arts 31.2 (1998): 50-61+93. Print.
Coldiron, Margaret. "Lions, Witches, and Happy Old Men: Some Parallels between Balinese and Japanese Ritual Masks." Asian Theatre Journal 22.2 (2005): 227-48. Print.
Feinup-Riordan, Anne. “The living tradition of Yup’ik masks.” 1992. 21. Print.
Keats, Patrice A. "Constructing Masks of The Self In Therapy." Constructivism in the Human Sciences 8.1 (2003): 105-24. Print.
Meschutt, David, Mark L. Taff, and Lauren R. Boglioli. "Life Masks and Death Masks." The American Journal of Forensic Medicine and Pathology 13.4 (1992): 315-19. Print.
"The Mexican Mask - A Link to the Soul." The Alcalde 59.1 (1980): 20. Print.
What is a mask? Is a mask just an ornament or article worn on the face for disguise, entertainment purposes or even as a form of protection? (Feinup-Riordan, 21). Masks have commonly been used during ritual and spiritual services and have been used to create, amplify or fulfill the wearer’s identity or sense of inner spirituality. Ritual masks can be found throughout the world and the functions of these masks in ritual are usually religious or magically inclined. Some characteristics include the enabling of communication with the unseen, undead, or giving magical powers to shamans or spiritual healers within tribes and various communities who wear them. This review article will explore the different themes, within different cultures, regarding the use of masks in ritual, and how it coincides and relates to identity building in ceremonies and proceedings.
In the study done by Meschutt et al in 1992, the notion of masks incorporated in death rituals is discussed and explored. They mention that, when a death arises within a tightly knit community with shared cultural and religious values (315), the deceased’s memory lives on as a life passage, or as a reminder in the creation of a mask. They proceed to explain that life and death masks were made for many different reasons, but specifically before photography was invented, life masks were the closest representations of an individual, whereas death masks served to preserve an individual’s features as a token of remembrance (positive and negative), and was also used when building statues. According to Meschutt et al, In the late 1890s, Laurence Hutton, who published ‘Portraits in plaster’ separated the creation of life and death masks into two categories, ‘the famous and the infamous’ (318). The category of the infamous was occupied by criminals, convicts, felons and so on (post-execution), however life masks for such felons also exist.
According to Keats (105), masks are also used as an expressive tool, as many therapists aid their clients in discovering the different ‘faces’ of the self; studying the differences in speech, gestures and mannerisms they portray upon donning a mask. And being both culturally and spiritually based, such masks represent a ‘multi-dimension’ (106) or second face to the face. Wearing a mask also gives the wearer a sense of freedom, the ability to perform acts or act in such a way they would not do in their everyday lives, or even be the mask (animal masks - acting like the animal, being the animal). Masked faces also portray different semiotics in the sense that they are used not only in spiritual and cultural contexts, but also for entertainment purposes, as a disguise or different facets of human nature. Evidence of the mask and its aura of spiritual power, specifically in ritual and healing processes, therapists began using masks within their realms of psychotherapy (107). Further exploring the study, it was found that patients with self-esteem issues and confidence issues enabled them to behave more socially and with newfound attitudes, acting almost as a ‘mediator between the client’s conscious and unconscious worlds of self’ (107).
Between Asian cultures, such as Japan and Balinese cultures, the donning of masks in ritual is strikingly correlated. Most masks are used in ritual and spiritual processes that, in turn, enable them to involve themselves in a ‘mysterious, other-worldliness that is apparent even to those who are uninitiated’ (Caldiron, 227). It is probable that such masks developed out of indigenous religious practices without any foreign influence; each has a strong identity and powerful, sometimes legendary, aura within the culture.
A report was published in the September 1980 issue of The Alcalde which explored the notions involved with mask wearing in the tribal regions of Mexico. Researcher, Donald Couldry, discovered that the masks were not just merely a disguise, but is also ‘a significant function that relates to shamanism, symbolism and social uses’ (20). He found that the Mexican Indians believed that the act of covering one’s face relates directly to the soul, and that Mexican masks were understood as mystical devices of transformation in which the ‘wearers become someone or something else’ (20).
A typical cliche that one may encounter when studying African art, or ritual practices is that men are the only ones who wear masks, while the women prepare, cook and clean for the festivities or ceremony. I was amazed when I read that women, too, don the masks and have their own rituals and ceremonies as well. In Zambia, men and women face initiations (men- mukanda, women- mwadi) (Cameron, 50), who would have thought that women also partake in mask-wearing festivities! In the 1998 study by Elizabeth Cameron, she spends time in the Kabompo district in Zambia to learn, observe and participate in the initiation rituals of men and women. Mwadi, meaning the initiation of the potential mother, is experienced as an interethnic ritual and is easily recognized by women from different ethnic tribes. When a young female matures (signified and recognized by her breast development), the family prepares and plans her initiation. The women, during their initiation phase, don masks and dance, guided by the four basic elements, first, her entire attire (clothes, mask, acoustic mask) acts as a disguise (focussing on aural presence), second, the transformation occurs, third, the masks as a mediator between structures, and fourth, the mask is seen as a medium of articulating power (57). The mask is not only seen as a means of disguise, but also as an intercessor, a medium of transformation. A completely new identity is created via the wearing of a mask, a journey to say the least.
In conclusion, the different cultures examined and explored today all demonstrated similar characteristics in relation to mask wearing. The mask is more than just a simple disguise, in ritual it is seen as a medium of transformation, a deity that enables one to be free, to be someone, or something, that they are not. Masks create identities for the wearer, an identity that he or she may never dream of showing or pursuing when they are ‘themselves’. Although different masks play different roles and have different powers across the various cultures and traditions, they each interrelate through similarity of function, interpretation - they all serve purposes. I understand that the relationship must be harmonious and respectful with the ‘divine’ entities or powers involved in the rituals or ceremonies, and that full focus and intention also plays a huge role in successful mask wearing for ritualistic and spiritual practices. This was an interesting topic to explore, although I have covered minor facets, there is still much more to learn about this fascinating practice.
‘The mask can be a limitation, but you just deal with it. You do get superhuman strength and pumpkin bombs and all this other stuff to express yourself with.' - William Defoe.
References
Cameron, Elizabeth L. "Women=Masks: Initiation Arts in North-Western Province, Zambia." African Arts 31.2 (1998): 50-61+93. Print.
Coldiron, Margaret. "Lions, Witches, and Happy Old Men: Some Parallels between Balinese and Japanese Ritual Masks." Asian Theatre Journal 22.2 (2005): 227-48. Print.
Feinup-Riordan, Anne. “The living tradition of Yup’ik masks.” 1992. 21. Print.
Keats, Patrice A. "Constructing Masks of The Self In Therapy." Constructivism in the Human Sciences 8.1 (2003): 105-24. Print.
Meschutt, David, Mark L. Taff, and Lauren R. Boglioli. "Life Masks and Death Masks." The American Journal of Forensic Medicine and Pathology 13.4 (1992): 315-19. Print.
"The Mexican Mask - A Link to the Soul." The Alcalde 59.1 (1980): 20. Print.
Healing Mother Earth
Shamanism and Trance Practices: RELN 7110
Angela Bardon
Lecturer: Dr Sylvia Shaw
The following essay will seek to explore the importance of the study and experience of trance states in today’s urban western society. Neurotheology as a method of scientific research, studies the impact on the brain, of spiritual and religious transcendent states. Hence the results of Neurotheological studies are reviewed in order to demonstrate the healing qualities that can be made manifest for the body and mind through the trance state. The paper then explores my own personal experiences and how insights received whilst in the trance state, helped me to understand the healing properties of Indigenous sacred ceremony on the planetary energy grids.
Trance State:
The trance state is a valuable tool which allows one to transcend normal states of consciousness in which the rational mind has control, in order to receive
• Spiritual guidance from the other world and otherworldly beings.
• Insights into the nature of reality which cannot be received in the normal waking states
• Healing on spiritual, emotional, mental and physical levels (Metzner, 1998, pp. 5-6).
As I have children and pets whose welfare is dependent on me, and I still have to work/ study and participate in society, I enter the trance state spontaneously at a light level. Hume (2007, p.12 -16) describes this light level of trance, as one in which the shaman is engaged in both worlds, journeying and interacting in the spirit world, whilst still consciously aware of what is happening around them in the physical world. The only triggers that I require to enter a light trance state are time alone and silence. Winkleman (1999, p. 399) states that “emotional stressors will elicit both opioid and non-opioid forms of analgesia which have ASC induction properties”. Emotional pain is another trigger that can open a portal for me to enter into a light trance state. I enter the light trance state spontaneously, whilst doing house work, walking in nature or walking around the suburbs. The insights, understandings and spiritual guidance that I receive are extremely clear and I understand the messages immediately if my eyes are open during the trance state. Sometimes the messages I receive in the trance state are visions, which is a normal trance phenomena according to Hume (2007, p. 12), other times I hear words from within or intuition or feelings guide my way. Strangely enough if I try to mediate or close my eyes the messages I receive in the trance state become fuzzy.
Neurotheology:
Newberg (2010, p.21) states that there are wealth of studies which indicate the relationship between religion, and physical and mental health. Newberg (in Seybold, 2007, p. 83) states, that neurotheological studies indicate that during meditation and prayer, that “the posterior superior parietal lobe showed a decrease in activity”, whilst the activity in the frontal lobe and the limbic system in the brain increases. This change in brain function, allow the Buddhist monks and Franciscan Nuns to experience a transcendent state (Newberg in Seybold, 2007, p. 83). These brain changes that occur during meditation and prayer result in “improved concentration, attention and focus (Newberg in Seybold, 2007, p. 83). Altered states of consciousness (ASC) are also “characterized by a state of parasympathetic dominance” (Winkleman, 1997, p.397), allowing the mind and body to move into a state of relaxation. Any activity that helps one to move from a state of stress and overdrive, to a state of relaxation, has to be healing for the mind and body as a whole.
Earth Healing:
As I have walked the spiritual path I learnt that my own spiritual healing process, affects not only myself, but has bought spiritual healing for my extended family, as well as for mother earth and for the mass conscious. This knowledge is similar to the Shaw’s (2001, p. 206) inner knowing that “if I can correct what’s happening in my family, it’s a step towards creating a pocket of healing for a lot of people”. Jung (in Walter and Neuman Fridman, 2004, p. 207) uses the term psychopomp to describe a Shaman as one who mediates between realities. One of the duties of the psychopomp is to shift “souls of the dead to the spirit world” (Walter and Neuman Fridman, 2004, p. 207). I have been shown whilst in the trance state that I exist in multiple dimensions of reality. I exist in the physical. I also know that I exist in consciousness, sitting out in space watching over the planet and that I also exist working in the vibratory plains of the planet, as a psychopomp, shifting lost souls into the light and out of the planets vibratory plains. I am also aware of the journey of my energy essence throughout time and space. Walter and Neuman- Fridman (2004, p. 205) state that Shamanic practitioners “typically report that they are conduits for spirits’ power”. In the past I have been a channel for the divine source to shift higher vibrational healing energy, through my heart consciousness into what Jung ( ITS Tutorial School, 2005) calls the collective unconscious or what I call the mass conscious. Also in the past, Spirit has shifted higher vibrational energy through my bodies of consciousness into the planetary consciousness. Whilst I act as a channel for healing grace, I am always shown how the higher vibrational healing energy flowing through me is made manifest. I have visions where I see the energy flowing into the mass conscious, all around the planet. Whilst I am aware that I am a channel for healing grace, I acknowledge that it is not me doing the healing. I am simply the channel that the Divine Source uses to shift the higher vibrational energy through.
One of the most important things I learnt whilst sitting with the Native American Indian teachers was that ceremony is also healing for mother earth. The energy created through sacred ceremony, which is created through the medicine wheel (which is a spiral pattern), can be vortexed into a scared site and into the energy grids of the planet. These healing ceremonies create harmony and balance within mother earth’s energetic grid system.
My own inner spiritual insights and learning’s gained from the other world, through the trance state, and what has been taught to me by my Indigenous teachers, has been validated by another group of scholars. Whitt, Norman and Grieves (2003, 10-11) state that as Indigenous people dance and sing, and the power created through ceremony helps to replenish the land. Whitt, Norman, Roberts and Grieve (2003, pp. 10-11) also state that the ceremonies held at sacred sites regenerate not just the surface of mother earth, but also right down inside the ground. Indigenous people are now talking about their responsibility of maintaining the energy grids of the planet. Kiesha Crowther, also known as Little Grandmother, founder of the Tribe of Many Colours, talks online (2010, http://vimeo.com/11191065) , about how she lays sacred crystals during sacred ceremony at specific sites on the planet for the balancing of the energy grids. Eileen Wani Wingfield (in Mc Conchie, 2003, p.23), Australian Indigenous Elder, states that their country is full of sacred sites,” and when it’s damaged, we got to dance”. My understanding of this is that the dance leads to the trance state in which healing can be made manifest for the damaged land.
Lorraine Mafi-Williams Australian Indigenous elder, ( in Freke 1999, 130-138) states that the Indigenous people have the responsibility to maintain the ‘energy grid’ which lies within Mother Earth’s crust and keeps the earth in balance. Mafi-Williams (cited in Freke 1999, 138) states that
“our people simply walk along the Earth and they could find fault in the energy grid. And they were able to energize the grid with crystals, or just human body energy going into the ground”.
Spirit taught me from within, that Indigenous ceremony at a sacred site is the equivalent of placing an acupuncture needle into an acupuncture point on the human body for healing purposes.
In telling this story, I didn’t come instantly to this inner knowing. I have had to learn many things on an individual level before my spiritual insights expanded into planetary insights. I am an ex- general and psychiatric nurse, so I have scientific knowledge from that period of my life. I sat with Hindu teachers to learn about the chakras and the spiritual anatomy of the soul. I learnt all about energy flow through the scientific world. I started my energy training looking at electrons, protons, neutrons and energy vibrations. I expanded my knowledge of energy into spiritual healing energy patterns through my attunements to Reiki , Sekhem and Seichim. I also learnt about environmental energy patterns through the writings of Starhawk, a pagan priestess. I was guided to do a basic Kinesiology course to learn about acupuncture points and the human bodies’ meridian system. In the Indigenous world I learnt all about the elements, the medicine wheel, ceremony and ritual, and women’s teachings. There was a long process of sitting in many realms of learning, involving most religions, complementary medicine and the scientific world, before I understood the mass conscious and planetary insights that spirit was teaching me. Each time I had to surrender to divine will, in order to enter a new phase of learning and to undergo the inner and hence outer transformation process of spiritual healing and purification. I spent many years in relative isolation, in physical and emotional pain.
Information that I gained in the trance state validates in my own mind, the teachings of Indigenous peoples. One only has to follow the news at present to hear about earthquakes, tsunami’s, floods, hurricanes flowing with increasing intensity across the planet. In my own mind it becomes clear that mother earth is in a state of imbalance. I often ask questions like, were destructive tornado’s present on the Lakota plains in the USA, prior to colonization? Prior to colonization, when there was a network of indigenous clan groups and tribes performing scared ceremony at sacred sites to keep mother earths, energy grids in harmony and balance, were there as many natural disasters occurring on the planet? The Indigenous people and their culture have been demonized by Christian missionaries and pathologized by science (Jilek, 2005, pp. 9-10). Information about the role of Indigenous people in planetary healing could be used for the healing of Indigenous people and the planet as a whole. Traditional Indigenous culture and spiritual practices play a vital role for the healing of mother earth.
Conclusion:
The knowledge of the trance state, in which otherworldly insights, understandings, spiritual guidance and healing can be received, is so important for the development of harmony and balance in the chaotic and unbalanced western world, where science is the authority figure and only evidence based knowledge has legitimacy. Associate Professor Richard Hutch (21/3/2011, in RELN7101) stated that science cannot find all the answers to all of the problems that are happening on the planet. Newberg (2010, pp.17-21) states that one of the goals of neurotheology is create a working relationship between science and religion and possibly create a new discourse between the two. The healing process is what is needed in the here and now. Humanity needs to rediscover the innate beauty that exists within all of creation and the need for the diversity of religious systems and phenomena. Healing is also required by humanity, so that we may all walk gently on mother earth with the desire to revitalize, replenish and stabilize her. The trance state is a pathway to that healing process, and because the trance state is a natural brain state (Winkleman, 1999, p.403), it is possible for everyone to enter the trance state and heal.
References:
Crowther, K. 2010. Kiesha Little Grandmother: One with Nature, viewed 19/1/2011, http://vimeo.com/11191065
Hutch, R. 2011. University of Queensland, Lecture on Psychology of Religion, RELN7101, (21/3/2011).
ITS Tutorial School, 2005. Psychology Dictionary and Glossary for Students, viewed 29/3/2011, http://www.tuition.com.hk/psychology/ .
Jilek, W.G. 2005. Transforming the Shaman: Changing Western Views of Shamanism and Altered States of Consciousness, in Investigacion en Salud, 7, 1, 8-15. http://www.medigraphic.com/pdfs/invsal/isg-2005/isg052c.pdf
Newberg, A.B. 2010. Principles of Neurotheology, Burlington, USA: Ashgate Publishing Company.
Mafi-Williams, L. 1999. Lorraine Mafi-Williams: Australian Aboriginal Tradition. In Shamanic Wisdom Keepers: Shamanism in the Modern World, T. Freke, Ed., 130-141. New York: Sterling Publishing Company.
Wingfield, E.W. 2003. ‘The Land’, in P. McConchie, (ed.), Elders: Wisdom from Australia’s Indigenous Leaders, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 11-26.
Metzner, R. 1998. ‘Hallucinogenic Drugs and Plants in Psychotherapy and Shamanism’, in Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 30, 4, 1-10.
Shaw, S. 2001, ‘Lose touch with the earth and lose touch with life’, in A. Dearling & B. Hanely, Eds., Alternative Australia: Celebrating Cultural Diversity, Lyme Regis, Dorset: An Enabler Publication, 200-207.
Seybold, K.S. 2007. Explorations in neuroscience, psychology and religion, Aldershot, England: Ashgate, ch.6, 75-86.
Walter, M.N. & E.J. Neuman Fridman (eds.). 2004. Shamanism- Encyclopaedia of World Beliefs, Practices and Culture, Vol. 1, Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO .
Winkleman,M. 1997, ‘Altered States of Consciousness,’ in Glazier, S.,ED, Anthropology of Religion: A Handbook of Method and Theory. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 393-428.
Whitt, L.A., M. Roberts, W. Norman, V. Grieves. 2003. ‘Indigenous Perspectives’, in A Companion to Environmental Philosophy, 1st ed., D. Jamieson. 2003, 3-20. Malden: Blackwell Publishing.
Angela Bardon
Lecturer: Dr Sylvia Shaw
The following essay will seek to explore the importance of the study and experience of trance states in today’s urban western society. Neurotheology as a method of scientific research, studies the impact on the brain, of spiritual and religious transcendent states. Hence the results of Neurotheological studies are reviewed in order to demonstrate the healing qualities that can be made manifest for the body and mind through the trance state. The paper then explores my own personal experiences and how insights received whilst in the trance state, helped me to understand the healing properties of Indigenous sacred ceremony on the planetary energy grids.
Trance State:
The trance state is a valuable tool which allows one to transcend normal states of consciousness in which the rational mind has control, in order to receive
• Spiritual guidance from the other world and otherworldly beings.
• Insights into the nature of reality which cannot be received in the normal waking states
• Healing on spiritual, emotional, mental and physical levels (Metzner, 1998, pp. 5-6).
As I have children and pets whose welfare is dependent on me, and I still have to work/ study and participate in society, I enter the trance state spontaneously at a light level. Hume (2007, p.12 -16) describes this light level of trance, as one in which the shaman is engaged in both worlds, journeying and interacting in the spirit world, whilst still consciously aware of what is happening around them in the physical world. The only triggers that I require to enter a light trance state are time alone and silence. Winkleman (1999, p. 399) states that “emotional stressors will elicit both opioid and non-opioid forms of analgesia which have ASC induction properties”. Emotional pain is another trigger that can open a portal for me to enter into a light trance state. I enter the light trance state spontaneously, whilst doing house work, walking in nature or walking around the suburbs. The insights, understandings and spiritual guidance that I receive are extremely clear and I understand the messages immediately if my eyes are open during the trance state. Sometimes the messages I receive in the trance state are visions, which is a normal trance phenomena according to Hume (2007, p. 12), other times I hear words from within or intuition or feelings guide my way. Strangely enough if I try to mediate or close my eyes the messages I receive in the trance state become fuzzy.
Neurotheology:
Newberg (2010, p.21) states that there are wealth of studies which indicate the relationship between religion, and physical and mental health. Newberg (in Seybold, 2007, p. 83) states, that neurotheological studies indicate that during meditation and prayer, that “the posterior superior parietal lobe showed a decrease in activity”, whilst the activity in the frontal lobe and the limbic system in the brain increases. This change in brain function, allow the Buddhist monks and Franciscan Nuns to experience a transcendent state (Newberg in Seybold, 2007, p. 83). These brain changes that occur during meditation and prayer result in “improved concentration, attention and focus (Newberg in Seybold, 2007, p. 83). Altered states of consciousness (ASC) are also “characterized by a state of parasympathetic dominance” (Winkleman, 1997, p.397), allowing the mind and body to move into a state of relaxation. Any activity that helps one to move from a state of stress and overdrive, to a state of relaxation, has to be healing for the mind and body as a whole.
Earth Healing:
As I have walked the spiritual path I learnt that my own spiritual healing process, affects not only myself, but has bought spiritual healing for my extended family, as well as for mother earth and for the mass conscious. This knowledge is similar to the Shaw’s (2001, p. 206) inner knowing that “if I can correct what’s happening in my family, it’s a step towards creating a pocket of healing for a lot of people”. Jung (in Walter and Neuman Fridman, 2004, p. 207) uses the term psychopomp to describe a Shaman as one who mediates between realities. One of the duties of the psychopomp is to shift “souls of the dead to the spirit world” (Walter and Neuman Fridman, 2004, p. 207). I have been shown whilst in the trance state that I exist in multiple dimensions of reality. I exist in the physical. I also know that I exist in consciousness, sitting out in space watching over the planet and that I also exist working in the vibratory plains of the planet, as a psychopomp, shifting lost souls into the light and out of the planets vibratory plains. I am also aware of the journey of my energy essence throughout time and space. Walter and Neuman- Fridman (2004, p. 205) state that Shamanic practitioners “typically report that they are conduits for spirits’ power”. In the past I have been a channel for the divine source to shift higher vibrational healing energy, through my heart consciousness into what Jung ( ITS Tutorial School, 2005) calls the collective unconscious or what I call the mass conscious. Also in the past, Spirit has shifted higher vibrational energy through my bodies of consciousness into the planetary consciousness. Whilst I act as a channel for healing grace, I am always shown how the higher vibrational healing energy flowing through me is made manifest. I have visions where I see the energy flowing into the mass conscious, all around the planet. Whilst I am aware that I am a channel for healing grace, I acknowledge that it is not me doing the healing. I am simply the channel that the Divine Source uses to shift the higher vibrational energy through.
One of the most important things I learnt whilst sitting with the Native American Indian teachers was that ceremony is also healing for mother earth. The energy created through sacred ceremony, which is created through the medicine wheel (which is a spiral pattern), can be vortexed into a scared site and into the energy grids of the planet. These healing ceremonies create harmony and balance within mother earth’s energetic grid system.
My own inner spiritual insights and learning’s gained from the other world, through the trance state, and what has been taught to me by my Indigenous teachers, has been validated by another group of scholars. Whitt, Norman and Grieves (2003, 10-11) state that as Indigenous people dance and sing, and the power created through ceremony helps to replenish the land. Whitt, Norman, Roberts and Grieve (2003, pp. 10-11) also state that the ceremonies held at sacred sites regenerate not just the surface of mother earth, but also right down inside the ground. Indigenous people are now talking about their responsibility of maintaining the energy grids of the planet. Kiesha Crowther, also known as Little Grandmother, founder of the Tribe of Many Colours, talks online (2010, http://vimeo.com/11191065) , about how she lays sacred crystals during sacred ceremony at specific sites on the planet for the balancing of the energy grids. Eileen Wani Wingfield (in Mc Conchie, 2003, p.23), Australian Indigenous Elder, states that their country is full of sacred sites,” and when it’s damaged, we got to dance”. My understanding of this is that the dance leads to the trance state in which healing can be made manifest for the damaged land.
Lorraine Mafi-Williams Australian Indigenous elder, ( in Freke 1999, 130-138) states that the Indigenous people have the responsibility to maintain the ‘energy grid’ which lies within Mother Earth’s crust and keeps the earth in balance. Mafi-Williams (cited in Freke 1999, 138) states that
“our people simply walk along the Earth and they could find fault in the energy grid. And they were able to energize the grid with crystals, or just human body energy going into the ground”.
Spirit taught me from within, that Indigenous ceremony at a sacred site is the equivalent of placing an acupuncture needle into an acupuncture point on the human body for healing purposes.
In telling this story, I didn’t come instantly to this inner knowing. I have had to learn many things on an individual level before my spiritual insights expanded into planetary insights. I am an ex- general and psychiatric nurse, so I have scientific knowledge from that period of my life. I sat with Hindu teachers to learn about the chakras and the spiritual anatomy of the soul. I learnt all about energy flow through the scientific world. I started my energy training looking at electrons, protons, neutrons and energy vibrations. I expanded my knowledge of energy into spiritual healing energy patterns through my attunements to Reiki , Sekhem and Seichim. I also learnt about environmental energy patterns through the writings of Starhawk, a pagan priestess. I was guided to do a basic Kinesiology course to learn about acupuncture points and the human bodies’ meridian system. In the Indigenous world I learnt all about the elements, the medicine wheel, ceremony and ritual, and women’s teachings. There was a long process of sitting in many realms of learning, involving most religions, complementary medicine and the scientific world, before I understood the mass conscious and planetary insights that spirit was teaching me. Each time I had to surrender to divine will, in order to enter a new phase of learning and to undergo the inner and hence outer transformation process of spiritual healing and purification. I spent many years in relative isolation, in physical and emotional pain.
Information that I gained in the trance state validates in my own mind, the teachings of Indigenous peoples. One only has to follow the news at present to hear about earthquakes, tsunami’s, floods, hurricanes flowing with increasing intensity across the planet. In my own mind it becomes clear that mother earth is in a state of imbalance. I often ask questions like, were destructive tornado’s present on the Lakota plains in the USA, prior to colonization? Prior to colonization, when there was a network of indigenous clan groups and tribes performing scared ceremony at sacred sites to keep mother earths, energy grids in harmony and balance, were there as many natural disasters occurring on the planet? The Indigenous people and their culture have been demonized by Christian missionaries and pathologized by science (Jilek, 2005, pp. 9-10). Information about the role of Indigenous people in planetary healing could be used for the healing of Indigenous people and the planet as a whole. Traditional Indigenous culture and spiritual practices play a vital role for the healing of mother earth.
Conclusion:
The knowledge of the trance state, in which otherworldly insights, understandings, spiritual guidance and healing can be received, is so important for the development of harmony and balance in the chaotic and unbalanced western world, where science is the authority figure and only evidence based knowledge has legitimacy. Associate Professor Richard Hutch (21/3/2011, in RELN7101) stated that science cannot find all the answers to all of the problems that are happening on the planet. Newberg (2010, pp.17-21) states that one of the goals of neurotheology is create a working relationship between science and religion and possibly create a new discourse between the two. The healing process is what is needed in the here and now. Humanity needs to rediscover the innate beauty that exists within all of creation and the need for the diversity of religious systems and phenomena. Healing is also required by humanity, so that we may all walk gently on mother earth with the desire to revitalize, replenish and stabilize her. The trance state is a pathway to that healing process, and because the trance state is a natural brain state (Winkleman, 1999, p.403), it is possible for everyone to enter the trance state and heal.
References:
Crowther, K. 2010. Kiesha Little Grandmother: One with Nature, viewed 19/1/2011, http://vimeo.com/11191065
Hutch, R. 2011. University of Queensland, Lecture on Psychology of Religion, RELN7101, (21/3/2011).
ITS Tutorial School, 2005. Psychology Dictionary and Glossary for Students, viewed 29/3/2011, http://www.tuition.com.hk/psychology/ .
Jilek, W.G. 2005. Transforming the Shaman: Changing Western Views of Shamanism and Altered States of Consciousness, in Investigacion en Salud, 7, 1, 8-15. http://www.medigraphic.com/pdfs/invsal/isg-2005/isg052c.pdf
Newberg, A.B. 2010. Principles of Neurotheology, Burlington, USA: Ashgate Publishing Company.
Mafi-Williams, L. 1999. Lorraine Mafi-Williams: Australian Aboriginal Tradition. In Shamanic Wisdom Keepers: Shamanism in the Modern World, T. Freke, Ed., 130-141. New York: Sterling Publishing Company.
Wingfield, E.W. 2003. ‘The Land’, in P. McConchie, (ed.), Elders: Wisdom from Australia’s Indigenous Leaders, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 11-26.
Metzner, R. 1998. ‘Hallucinogenic Drugs and Plants in Psychotherapy and Shamanism’, in Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 30, 4, 1-10.
Shaw, S. 2001, ‘Lose touch with the earth and lose touch with life’, in A. Dearling & B. Hanely, Eds., Alternative Australia: Celebrating Cultural Diversity, Lyme Regis, Dorset: An Enabler Publication, 200-207.
Seybold, K.S. 2007. Explorations in neuroscience, psychology and religion, Aldershot, England: Ashgate, ch.6, 75-86.
Walter, M.N. & E.J. Neuman Fridman (eds.). 2004. Shamanism- Encyclopaedia of World Beliefs, Practices and Culture, Vol. 1, Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO .
Winkleman,M. 1997, ‘Altered States of Consciousness,’ in Glazier, S.,ED, Anthropology of Religion: A Handbook of Method and Theory. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 393-428.
Whitt, L.A., M. Roberts, W. Norman, V. Grieves. 2003. ‘Indigenous Perspectives’, in A Companion to Environmental Philosophy, 1st ed., D. Jamieson. 2003, 3-20. Malden: Blackwell Publishing.
The Importance of Shamanic and Transcendental Practice in today’s Western Urban Society by Freya Whitehead
In today’s western urban environment, many people are in a constant state of stress and unhappiness. In this busy lifestyle of trying to juggle long work days with family time and domestic chores while worrying about having to do it all again the next day, one often doesn’t get the chance to take some time out to relax and recuperate. High stress levels can often lead to physical or emotional illness and the western way of treating these ailments is usually to prescribe some form of medication and send that person on their way (Chrousos 2000; DeLongis Lazarus & Folkman 1988). These means of living and healing are far removed from the traditional ways in which people of ancient cultures have lived with good health and in harmony with nature for many tens of thousands of years. This essay will explore the importance of shamanic and transcendental practice in today’s western urban society and the importance of the renewal or continuation of traditional practices for indigenous people that live in these areas.
Psychological stress, which is endemic in western urban societies, is widely known to be detrimental to health and wellbeing (DeLongis Lazarus & Folkman 1988). Findings of various academic studies suggest stress, and thus an increased functioning of the sympathetic “flight or fight” division of the nervous system, may play a role in the development of many mental physical and emotional complaints. A few examples include increased inflammation, impaired immune function, fatigue, peptic ulcers caused by Helicobacter pylori infection, depression and sleep disorders (Chrousos 2000). Increased levels of circulating pro-inflammatory cytokines, as observed in cases of chronic stress, can lead to metabolic disturbances which, when combined with immune dysfunction, may contribute to osteoporosis, hypertension and risk factors of metabolic syndrome and type 2 diabetes such as dyslipidaemia, glucose intolerance and insulin resistance (Chrousos 2000). There is even evidence to imply an increased risk of developing autoimmune diseases such as type 1 diabetes and multiple sclerosis in people exposed to high stress compared with those with less stress in their lives (Hagglof et al. 1991; Warren Greenhill & Warren 1982). Many people from western cities are beginning to realise the effects that stressful, busy living has on their health and happiness. In turn, a rise in the popularity of shamanic and transcendental healing practices has been seen, especially those such as meditation and Qigong which are used to promote relaxation, decrease stress and improve one’s overall wellbeing.
The scientific uprising in the western world triggered in many people the idea that if something cannot be proven or explained scientifically then it should not believe in as it is not ‘real’. Though science works to satisfy our hunger to understand things and has unravelled some great mysteries, it could also be seen to have contributed to the rejection and cynicism that many people express towards shamanic and transcendental practises in western society. Shamans were, up until very recently, considered charlatans, mentally ill or possessed by a demon or the devil (Jilek 2005). However, this outdated fashion of thinking is slowly becoming less common and people are beginning to be more open to shamanic and transcendental healing practices, especially as they experience the benefits for themselves.
As mentioned previously, Qigong can be used to promote relaxation and increase health and happiness. It is believed to do so through tuning into and working with the flow of life energy known as ‘Qi’. Qigong involves various body postures and deep-breathing techniques, through which the liminal space can be accessed and balance within oneself and with nature or the cosmos can be accomplished (Harowitz 2009). That taking part in Qigong can be very healing and can markedly enhance health and happiness has been accepted by many people of Chinese origin for generations. In current times these claims are also supported by results of scientific studies and this evidence is likely contributing to the increased popularity of this practice in western society. Some benefits of Qigong which have been observed in scientific trials include: significant decreases in blood pressure of hypertensive individuals, improved glucose tolerance and lower blood levels of triglycerides and cholesterol in diabetics, decreased risk of osteoporosis, enhanced immune function, enhanced quality of life in cancer patients and better psychological health including the successful treatment of anxiety and depression among many more (Horowitz 2009; Liu et al. 2010). As many of these ailments are rife in urban centres of the western world, people living in these areas could potentially benefit enormously from participating in ancient healing practices such as qigong.
Another reason why shamanic and transcendent practice is extremely important in urban western society is that it is here that many people live who have been isolated from their own cultures and traditions. In many cases this separation has come about through horrible and traumatic incidents such as having been forcibly removed from their homelands and prohibited from practising their traditional shamanic healings and rituals. Therefore, these people not only feel traumatised by what they have been through but also disconnected from their culture (Wong & Wong 2006). Reuniting one with their culture and traditional practises has the potential to help heal emotional and perhaps even physical illnesses in these people. An example of this is the treatment of alcoholism and drug addiction in Australian Aborigines and Native Americans through incorporating traditional healing practices and cultural elements into the western ways of dealing with these diseases. Many successful intervention programs focus on restoring or strengthening the cultural identity of the individual and employ traditional spiritual healing techniques, rituals or ceremonies as part of the treatment targeting alcoholism and drug addiction in these people (Brady 1995). The success witnessed through programs such as the one described, supports the argument that re-establishing a connection or balance with ones culture or spirituality may be fundamental to healing on all levels and to wellbeing as a whole.
Countless cultures around the world include in their traditions various shamanic and transcendent practices. Depending on the culture, these may include entering the liminal space in an altered state of consciousness and seeking healing or insight through transcending energies, or ritual and ceremony to maintain balance and connection within one’s own body, with their gods, ancestral spirits or with nature. In Australian Aboriginal culture, an example of this is that of the ‘clever man’ attaining a state of altered consciousness in which his spirit leaves his body to travel into the sky and commune with ancestral spirits or visit sacred sites. Through doing this it is believed the connection between oneself and his homeland and culture are reinforced and strengthened (Hume 2004).
It is apparent that in today’s Western urban society many people have become disconnected with their cultural traditions and healing practices. Whether this separation occurred in an individual’s lifetime or in their ancestral past is not necessarily of great importance. Either way, in most cases knowledge has been lost, once-important rituals and ceremonies are no longer being performed and traditional shamanic and transcendental healing techniques are second-place to westernised medicine. As described in this paper, many ancient cultures deem ceremonial participation or ritual practice of some type as being vital to maintaining the connection between themselves and the gods/ancestral spirits/cosmos. Shamanic and transcendental practices of healing such as that of Qigong are becoming increasingly accepted, even by the scientific community, as being beneficial to ones overall wellbeing. In summation, as discussed in this paper through partaking in shamanic and transcendental practices whether it be to re-establish cultural connection and identity or to seek healing of the physical, mental, emotional and spiritual self, balance and wellbeing can be attained. Through reaching this equilibrium, the balance and connectedness within oneself and with the cosmos can be strengthened or regained and this has the potential to benefit the individual and the western urban community as a whole.
References
Brady, M 1995, ‘Culture in treatment, culture as treatment. A critical appraisal of developments in addictions programs for indigenous north Americans and australians’, Soc Sci Med, vol. 41, no. 11, pp. 1487-1498.
Chrousos, GP 2000, ‘Stress, chronic inflammation, and emotional and physical well-being: Concurrent effects and chronic sequelae’, J Allergy Clin Immunol, vol. 106, pp. S275-S291.
Delongis, A, Lazarus, RS & Folkman, S 1988, ‘The impact of daily stress on health and mood: Psychological and social resources as mediators’, J Pers Soc Psychol, vol. 41, no. 11, pp. 1487-1498.
Hagglof, B, Blom, L, Dahlquist, G, Lonnberg, G & Sahlin, B 1991, ‘The Swedish childhood diabetes study: indications of severe psychological stress as a risk factor for Type 1 (insulin-dependent) diabetes mellitus in childhood’, Diabetologica, vol. 34, pp. 579-583.
Horowitz, S 2009, ‘Evidence-based health benefits of Qigong’, Alternative and Complementary Therapies, vol. 15, no. 4, pp. 178-183.
Hume, L 2004, ‘Accessing the eternal: Dreaming “the Dreaming” and ceremonial performance’, Zygon, vol. 39, no. 1, pp. 237-258.
Jilek, WG 2005, ‘Transforming the shaman: Changing western views of shamanism and altered states of consciousness’, Articulo de Investigacion, vol. 7, no. 1, pp. 8-15.
Liu, X, Miller, YD, Burton, NW & Brown, WJ 2010, ‘A preliminary study of the effects of Tai Chi and Qigong medical exercise on indicators of metabolic syndrome, glycaemic control, health-related quality of life, and psychological health in adults with elevated blood glucose’, Br J Sports Med, vol. 44, no. 10, pp. 704-709.
Wong, PTP & Wong, LCJ 2006, Handbook of multicultural perspectives on stress and coping, Springer, British Columbia, pp. 515-529.
Warren, S, Greenhill, S & Warren, KG 1982, ‘Emotional stress and the development of multiple sclerosis: Case-control evidence of a relationship’, J Chron Dis, vol. 35, no. 11, pp. 821-831.
Wednesday, March 30, 2011
A critical review of Lee, Tedlock, and Krippner
This essay presents an annotated bibliography of three articles–‘The Epistemology and Technologies of Shamanic States of Consciousness’ by Stanley Krippner (2000), ‘Shamanism and its Emancipatory Power for Korean Women’ by Jonghyun Lee (2009), and ‘Zuni Scared Theater’ by Barbara Tedlock (1983).
Generally, the three articles examine concepts of shamanism such as its definition, the sociohistorical/ cultural context that shapes shamanism in different societies, the significance of rituals, the notion of continuity, and the importance of narratives in sustaining shamanism through time and space.
Not only does the word ‘shamanism’ take on a different form of meaning in the different articles, it also entails different social constructs that accompany it. In the article by Krippner (2000:108), he quotes Wilber (1983) who describes shamanism as a form of ‘religion’. In Lee’s (2009:187) article, he cites Eliade (1964) who claims that ‘shamanism is a religious phenomenon that is universal across many different cultures’. Although it is not explicitly explained in Tedlock’s article, it can be implied by looking at the whole phenomenon of Zuni Theater, which is sacred to the Zunis, and is held with great reverence and obedience by them. The word, ‘sacred’, has a similar vein of meaning to the etymology of the word, ‘religion’, in which the Latin term ‘religionem’ means ‘respect for the sacred’. Thus, shamanism, like any other mainstream religions, has its own followers who believe in the power and magic of its rituals, which bring forth healing, whether physically or spiritually.
While the Zunis in Tedlock’s article hold their metaphysical theatre with great reverence, the Koreans, generally, frown upon the shamanic practices in their country. The sociohistorical aspect in Korea explains how shamanism is dominated by Korean women who are marginalized in their society and are trying to construct the reality surrounding them. While the article by Lee (2009) delves deep into the sociohistorical background on how Korean women are marginalized, Tedlock’s article (1983:98) hardly has any references as to why Zuni theatre is male-dominated, as stated in the sentence: ‘The pairing between elder and younger brother kivas determines the selection of a chorus and of “female” dancers (since men take all the roles in kachina society masked dances), if a particular dance calls for such roles’. This begs the question as to whether women in Zuni society are suppressed or oppressed, or are unimportant. According to Tedlock (1983:97), in the past, the Zunis say that the Slayers would always take a woman with them to the valley of Death. Could it be because of this symbolic reason, women do not perform in the Zuni theatre?
The role that women play in both the Zuni and Korean societies is definitely different, given how shamanism in Korea empowers the Korean women and helps them in their healing process from the stigmatization and marginalization experienced. On the other hand, in the Zuni society, women hardly have a place in the theatrical performance, and this diminishes their roles in the metaphysical theatre.
Despite the different roles played by women in Korea and the Zuni society, the most pertinent point is how rituals in each society bring forth a powerful statement to the audience. According to Turner (1970:20), rituals become ‘a factor in social action, a positive force in an activity field’. This is a powerful statement on how rituals cannot be separated from its social context, and how influential it can be on the community. In Korea, according to Lee (2009:193), the kut is a ritual in which ‘the shaman dances in her flamboyant costume, sleeves fluttering in the air above, amid the clanging sounds of cymbals and he boisterous beat of the Korean double-headed drum’. The significance of the ritual extends far and beyond the musical extravaganza that the kut seems to portray–when the spirits descend, the words of empowerment strengthen the women and challenge the largely patriarchal circle in Korean society.
When the shaman goes into the altered state of consciousness, as seen in the kut ritual, the liminality is experienced when the shaman moves between the realms of the sacred and the profane (Lee, 2009). This liminality is also evident in the Zuni theatre, as stated by Tedlock (1983:94), when they ‘prepare themselves for the movement from ordinary profane reality to extraordinary sacred reality’. Krippner (2000:94) also emphasizes on the importance of liminality which ‘provide(s) a link between the ordinary world and those realms purportedly traversed by the shaman’. Thus, in all three articles, the journey from the profane world to the sacred world, and vice versa, is an important feature of shamanism.
Another important feature of shamanism that is evident in the three articles is the healing aspect. Krippner (2000:98) acknowledges how the shaman, upon reaching an altered state of consciousness, harnesses the knowledge of the ‘spirit world’ to ‘help and heal members of the social group that has acknowledged their shamanic status’. Lee (2009) emphasizes on how shamanism has given the Korean women a platform to heal their grief and suffering. While the ritual of kut somehow liberates the Korean women from the harsh verities of an everyday life of subordination and submissiveness to their male counterparts, the Zunis year-long rituals accompanying its metaphysical theatre serve to ‘unite the social, economic, political and religious aspects of the community’, as highlighted by Tedlock (1983: 93). The healing aspect in Zuni sacred theatre is implied through the symbolic significance of the Sun Father, who leads ‘the Zuni ancestors out from the dark underworld into his blinding daylight’, as described by Tedlock (1983:95). Just like the Korean women who are in the darkest despair, and are enlightened through the kut ritual, the Zuni ancestors are guided out of the darkness into the light, which represents renewal and life.
The idea of light versus dark should not be seen as two separate entities; rather they represent continuity from one realm to another. Life and death are also seen in a continuum, as shown in Zuni sacred theatre. To the Zunis, death is not final; rather, it is followed by rebirth, and follows a cycle, just like the celestial bodies of the moon and the sun. In Korea, the idea of continuity is seen when Korean women become shamans to help other women who are experiencing pain and suffering–a phenomenon that the Korean women shamans have experienced themselves before. The Korean women shamans are not detached from the women who come to them for healing; the very fact that they have been through the same suffering enables them to be more empathetic and sympathetic to the plight of the other Korean women. As cited by Lee (2009:195), not only would they feel a sense of relief after the shamanic ritual of kut, they would also ‘maintain harmonious households with prolonged prosperity’ (Kendall, 1985). The social good that is a result of the kut ritual is also a positive indication that Korean shamanism heals the individuals, and the society as a whole.
The idea of balance and harmony is also a recurring theme in the articles by Krippner (2000:102) and Tedlock (1983:99), as represented by the ‘four quarters of the universe’ and the ‘four cardinal points’ respectively. The four points generally cover the four directional bearings of North, South, East, and West. These four pertinent points mark the totality or the sum of the view of the world. Sarangerel (2000:8) highlights that in Mongolian shamanism, ‘awareness of the four directions is fundamental to the Mongolian view of the world’. The word ‘fundamental’ shows how important it is to have these important bearings in one’s life, especially one’s perception of the surrounding world.
The world of shamanism is alive and thriving up till this day because of the narratives that surround it since its inception. In Zuni sacred theatre, the rituals that the Zunis engage in are only possible because of the stories that are sustained through the elders, which are then passed on to the younger generations. According to Tedlock (1983:101), ‘the narrative recounts in detail each ritual activity the Council has engaged in since the previous winter solstice’. Just like the passing of seasons as represented in the Zuni theatre, the passing of stories from one generation to another ensures the continuity of the shamanic practice.
As Krippner (2000:98) says, he is ‘pleased that postmodernism points to the need for honoring multiple narratives, and becoming aware of the process by which narratives are constructed’. The different narratives only serve to enhance the storytelling, and should not be seen as invalidating the ‘real’ narrative. The ‘process by which narratives are constructed’ should be seen as an active and participative journey undertaken by members of a particular society–a journey of magic and wonder through the lens of storytelling.
Likewise, in Korea, the narratives take on the form of the kut, where it is a platform for the Korean women to express their life stories freely without any constraints. The kut not only offers a catharsis for the women, but according to Lee (2009:195), it also is a platform for the Korean women to tell ‘the stories that are never to be told’.
In conclusion, shamanism in different societies offers not only healing to the believers, but shapes the identity of a particular society, as seen by the examples cited in this essay. The shamanic practice, its significance, and its effect on the lives of its believers show how important shamanism is in the lives of its believers. And the narratives that accompany the shamanic practice of a society ensure its survival in the years to come.
References
Krippner, S. (2000). The epistemology and technologies of shamanic states of conciousness. Journal of Consciousness Studies, 7, 93-118.
Lee, J. (2009). Shamanism and its emancipatory power for Korean women. Affilia, 24(2), 186-198.
Sarangerel. (2000). Mongolian Cosmology Riding windhorses: a journey into the heart of Mongolian shamanism (pp. 1-20). Rochester, VT: Destiny Books.
Tedlock, B. (1983). Zuni Sacred Theatre. American Indian Quarterly, 7(3), 93-110.
Turner, V. (1970). Symbols in Ndembu Ritual The forest of symbols: aspects of Ndembu ritual, Ithaca (pp. 19-47). Cornell University Press.
Online references
Etymonline
http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?term=religion
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