By Georgia A-D
Entering Creative Consciousness: Moving into Deep Connection, by Selene Vega.
In her article “Entering Creative Consciousness” Vega provides a framework for personal development professionals (such as therapists or workshop leaders) to transcend the ‘western’ attitude of being close minded toward altered consciousness and encourage a trance experience as a conduit of personal creativity (Vega 2006). She states that entering this new level of consciousness is the best way to access what people really need to know about themselves; insights which promote healing and growth. This is the first in a number of unintentionally vague claims she makes with little explanation or sufficient examples.
Vega discusses the positive role trance and ritual can have in the creative process. Not in particular artistic creativity, but creativity as the expression of the self, to promote self-confidence and imagination. She proposes that due to the western oppression of physical expression and the limitations put on it by social rules (her examples being putting feet on a chair or standing quietly in line), the only way to transcend them and present a genuine, unconscious, physical expression is to do so under the safety of a trance state, or altered consciousness. She also explains the importance of the therapist’s ability to enter a similar altered consciousness to maintain a congruous relationship with their client.
She discusses ritual as the vehicle to trance and physical expression of the unconscious as the way to experience a ‘non-ordinary state of consciousness’, or trance state. It is through ritual that the trance is contextualised and allowed to happen in a ‘safe space’ with the therapist as Shaman, which gives the participant more freedom to express themselves, making the trance more effective. Ritual, she explains, develops as a coping mechanism for groups with a shared experience or hardship. This is the case for both the Huichols and Korean women, however Vega fails to really present a real problem being faced by the nondescript (apart from ‘western’) participants she discusses in her article. The biggest problem she claims them as facing is a disconnection from their artistic spirituality, or personal creativity. Her article discusses how trance may be useful, but fails to explore why. She quotes other scholars on the purpose of ritual yet fails to contextualise them.
Further research on the author shows that her specialty is in using techniques as described in this article to deal particularly with addiction and eating disorders (Vega, 2011). A direct link between her framework and the addressing of these afflictions would have given a much needed credibility to an otherwise baseless theory. She does not even explain how one might enter the trance state, beyond ‘creative movement’ or ‘physical expression’, which, again, is vague. Dineen claims that this deliberate ambiguity is a canny habit of new age psychotherapy practitioners. She sees the relatively recent surge in alternative psychotherapeutical practices akin to ‘selling snake oil’, a predatory and manipulative marketing tool of psychotherapists to make people believe that they are getting something, when in reality they are not (Dineen 1998, 55). While perhaps, as an ex-psychologist herself, Dineen may be somewhat prejudiced against the profession, the practice as (poorly) described by Vega certainly raises more questions than it answers.
The Deer-Maize-Peyote Symbol Complex among the Huichol Indians of Mexico, by Barbara G Myerhoff.
This article discusses the consumption of hallucinogens (peyote) as the entry to a trance state as part of a ritual called the Peyote Hunt. The Peyote Hunt is a male only expedition to Huichol homeland to obtain peyote, and return to the tribe with it whereupon they are treated as gods. The tribe (including women and children) then ‘slay’ the peyote and consume it, entering the alternate consciousness (Myerhoff 1970).
Myerhoff states that the purpose of the ritual and trance among Huichol Indians is to reconnect with Huichol roots and promote unity within the tribe by transcending social hierarchies. She explains the validity of the trinity and gives a history on how it has previously been interpreted, and presents her own interpretation: though the deer are now rare in Huichol territory, they represent the significance of the hunter in Huichol history and the perfection of their past life. Maize is an introduced, now primary food source that represents the ‘mundane’, and peyote is essential to religious rituals, which are of utmost importance to Huichols. The three things have a symbiotic and intrinsically linked relationship; maize cannot grow without deer blood, deer blood cannot be shed without consumption of peyote, peyote cannot be consumed without the cleansing of the maize with deer blood, and so on.
Myerhoff claims that the purpose of the Deer-maize-Peyote complex is to reconcile the tribe’s losses without forcing them to participate in a moral introspection and deal with the Huichol’s losses: “denying the gratuitous and cruel state of the present by refusing to relinquish the past” (p13). She presents this in the context of the comfort Huichol derive from having religion as their crutch as a healthy and beneficial approach to their collective loss. McGuire argues that this is an ineffective and ultimately damaging approach. He stated that comfort in the superstitious was essentially comfort in lies, and that religion can only provide a ‘band-aid’ comfort at best, which is largely inadequate (McGuire 1990, 284). While a common approach to psychotherapy, it is difficult to argue this against Myerhoff’s reporting of the overall mental health and social cohesion of the Huichol tribe.
While Vega’s western centric article discussed the importance of trance for the solitary individual, reflecting the western focus on individualistic worldviews, Myerhoff instead presents trance as a community bonding practice that is experienced by a mutually benefiting group. However, the participants do not discuss their personal experiences while under the influence of peyote; the details of their trance are private and outside the obligatory visions of common deities, which individualises the experience to a degree.
This article is difficult to fault as it is an insight into a largely unstudied area. It relies on a theoretical approach, which is the best Myerhoff has as an outsider; however she manages to present a unique commentary on the effects of ecological devastation.
Shamanism and Its Emancipatory Power for Korean Women, by Jonghyun Lee.
The purpose of this article is to educate social workers in effectively dealing with Korean women and their culture specific needs, by approaching Shamanism for Korean women through a feminist lens (Lee 2009). Unfortunately though, Lee does not stipulate until the end that the paper is directed at United States social workers, which would have provided a useful contextualisation.
The article begins with a brief history of shamanism in Korea. Lee points out that while Shamanism is prolific in modern Korean society, with around 35% of people seeking the services of around 30,000 shamans, it is seen as a ‘deviant’ belief, running counter-culture to the official national religion of Buddhism. It is also widely referred to, denigratingly, as superstition, or mishin.
Shamanism (both practitioners and those who seek them) is a female dominated sphere. Lee cites studies that have found that the female focus of shamanism holds ‘emancipatory power’, and is an effective spiritual tool for women in dealing with a patriarchal society.
The Korean shaman starts with a culture specific trance-like illness, shinbyung, which most often affects women who have endured a personal crisis. Shinbyung is only overcome when the person answers their spiritual calling by accepting their destiny.
Lee explains the value of shamanism in modern Korea and how it has not lessened despite a perceived improvement in gender equality. Korea still has many areas in which women are disadvantaged: socially, professionally and privately. It was the Chosun Dynasty’s (c. 14-19th C) casting out and criminalisation of shamanism that put it into the hands of women, who were also outcast, and thus it has thrived since then.
The shamanic ritual of kut is a direct addressing of women’s subordinate role, and involves a highly physical dance to cymbals and drumming, with singing and chanting to invoke the endowment of the gods and deities’ power. It provides a cathartic release of woman’s ‘silent suffering’ and is seen to challenge the social order. It also provides a safe space for women to express themselves and their disillusionment with their status in society, and “speaking the stories that must never be told” without fear of reprehension. Observers of the kut are encouraged to join in by donning the shaman’s costume and participating in the dance which becomes a possession trance. Lee effectively contextualises this practice for a western audience by likening it to the blues singing of African American women in that it gives the participants a collective conscious and shared identification of their oppression.
Throughout the article the reader seems invited to infer that the oppression of Shamanism is merely incidental in what is first and foremost an institutionalised oppression of women. By leaving the statement of this link until the conclusion, Lee misses opportunities throughout the work to emphasise the value in learning about shamanism’s importance to women.
Lee makes an interesting point in presenting the Shaman as a valuable aid to the American social worker, due to the reliance on them by Korean immigrants. She warns against the ethnocentrism of labelling it as superstitious, or the shinbyung as psychosomatic, as it is an insult to a practice that has been instrumental in the development of women’s physical, economic and psychological autonomy throughout Korean history. Goleman wrote a respected paper on the Asian approach to psychology. He claims it to have existed more or less as a profession for two or three millennia (Goleman 1976, 42), much longer than western psychology. He attributes its longevity to its inextricable links with spirituality and the ethereal. His paper supports Lee’s call for western and eastern practitioners, in this case, shamans and social workers, to work symbiotically for the best outcomes.
Conclusion
Vega, Myerhoff and Lee all argue the importance of trance and spirituality. Myerhoff and Lee have a more effective argument as their articles are based on social studies and cultural observations, and are able to clearly identify key benefits to participants. Vega is also able to identify benefits however only ambiguously and she fails to address how the trance state is achieved. Both Lee and Myerhoff thoroughly explain the practice necessary to enter the trance states they discuss. All three present a host of benefits to altered consciousness in a safe setting, however it holds arguably much more significance in the contexts the Lee and Myerhoff discuss; trance for the Huichol is integral to the community’s collective consciousness and fosters social cohesion, and trance practices for Korean women have been essential in providing women with a collective voice and emancipation from oppressive patriarchal structures. Vega’s benefits discussed are ultimately individualistic, like increased self-esteem or personal creativity, which are little competition with the survival of a tribe or the empowerment of a sex. Vega and Lee both present arguments to mental health practitioners (social workers and therapists) of the importance of trance in the therapeutic process, however Vega’s lack of academic evidentiary support of her claims is her downfall and one can easily discount her.
All three articles have varying goals, however what can be compared is their usefulness. Myerhoff presents a history lesson and explanation of a dying society’s coping mechanism in the face of ecological destruction and a changing world. Her conclusions can be applied to other communities not yet at their level of decline, providing explanation and warning. Lee presents an insight into a culture that will be invaluable for her target audience, American psychotherapists, when dealing with immigrants from that culture. It provides a helpful guide to assist such an ideologically alien community. Vega speaks of the personal benefits of new age spiritualism and trance therapy, yet does so entirely ineffectively by omitting methods of therapy, and instead only discussing their theoretical benefits, rendering her article ultimately useless on its own.
Sources
Dineen, T. (1998). Psychotherapy: The Snake Oil of the 90’s? Skeptic, 6 (3), 54-63.
Goleman, D. (1976). Meditation and Cosnciousness: An Asian Approach to Mental Health. American Journal of Psychotherapy, 41-54.
Lee J. (2009). Shamanism and Its Emancipatory Power for Korean Women. Affilia, 24 (2), 186-198.
McGuire, M. (1990). Religion and the Body: Rematerializing the Human Body in the Social Sciences of Religion. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 29 (3), 283-296.
Myerhoff B. (1970). The Deer-Maize-Peyote Symbol Complex among the Huichol Indians of Mexico. Anthropological Quarterly, 43 (2), 64-78.
Vega, S. (2006). Entering Creative Consciousness: Moving into Deep Connection. http://blackboard.elearning.uq.edu.au/@@/E7C8E0F0B1D67ECCB7DC1D112787EEB4/courses/1/RELN2110S_6120STx/content/_1705414_1/Creative%20Consciousness.pdf.
Vega, S. (2011). Spirit Moving: About. http://spiritmoving.com/about-selene/.
Wednesday, March 30, 2011
Tuesday, March 29, 2011
Masks and Masking - A Critical Review
Masks & Masking
By. Fraser Barton
The symbolic and ritual application surrounding mask wearing is of significant importance when beginning to understand ritual practices such as those performed by Shaman. The physical act of wearing a mask is often considered a necessary component in many shamanic practices in which transformation of shaman into spirit form is required (Pollock, 1995). Mask wearing is not however confined to shamanic practices. Ritual masks held particular importance to many ancient societies and their importance remains, although to a lesser extent, in modern ritual and cultural practices. Mask-wearing or masking allows for a transformative state to be achieved by the wearer. This is often through ritual practices accompanying the wearing, and is compounded through the cultural and social significance of wearing the mask and the materials in which it is constructed from.
A mask can be considered as anything which acts to conceal an individual’s direct identity and is often worm upon the face causing partial or full obscurity. Ritual masks are usually ornate and elaborate in design, constructed of items of specific importance to that culture or ritual such as wood, leaves, animal skin, and even human bones (Chavez, 2011). Such cultural masks are often deemed sacred and worn only during certain rituals. They are seen as an integral part of healing, blessing and magic rituals and in certain cultures are considered to contain spiritual powers (Chavez, 2011).
Masks play an important role in portraying personal and cultural identity and possess the contradictory ability to both disguise and define an identity. In its purest form a mask can be considered a mere disguise, an obfuscation of the individual as it has become associated with in modern times. In a more traditional sense, a mask is used to manipulate identity. Masks have been used in many religious and cultural practices and to many societies are necessary in reinforcing and instilling familial and cultural identity. The wearing of a mask, often during cultural or religious purposes can elicit an intense identity transformation within the wearer. Mask makers and wearers describe this as being a transformation of personality, in which the wearer becomes a representation of a spiritual essence (Tonkin, 1979).
It is interesting to note that the use of Masks in disguising and manipulating identity often fail to fully disguise the identity of the individual. In this sense then, masks can essentially be described as a spiritual disguise. Whilst the identity of the individual who becomes masked is known, the spiritual identity is foreign while worn (Pollock, 1995). Mask wearing can also be seen as a representation of cultural identity, as Masks are often worn during ceremonies unique to the individual culture and are seen as a way of demonstrating and teaching cultural heritage and identity (Pollock, 1995). Masks become iconic to the culture and resemble cultural dimensions which can only be expressed through their wearing (Pollock, 1995).
Masks are often a very powerful and persuasive component of cultural and religious rituals. The act of ritual masking can be seen as crucial to attaining a transformative state for the wearer. Masks act as a connection to the spirit world and allow for the wearer to disengage from reality and become ultimately transformed in spiritual identity (Subhash, 2004). Ritual masking is often used to call upon ancestral or animal spirits. These ritual spirits channelled through the mask provide the wearer with a sense of empowerment and in the case of ancestral spirits can help reaffirm cultural identity. The construction of the mask is often specific to its requirement for the ritual. Ritual masks may be designed in such a way that during rituals, the eyes, ears or mouth may be covered to block out all sound or vision, in order to give the wearer a feeling of sensory deprivation. It is this sense of sensory deprivation, coupled by the ritualistic aspect of masking which assists in attaining an altered state of consciousness as required for the ritual (Crisp, 2010).
Ritual masking is not necessarily limited to facial disguising. Research conducted by Pollock details the Kulina tribe located deep within the Brazilian Amazons in which masking is primarily auditory, contrasting masking in a traditional, visual sense (Pollock, 1995). Face and body masking is used on occasion during rituals but is considered to be unnecessary as many rituals are performed during the night (Pollock, 1995). Kulina shamans undergo an identity transformation in the absence of any visual masks, instead the masking is through wild bird and animal sounds (Pollock, 1995). This serves to replace conventional speech and the spirit transformation seen through speech not sight.
For different cultural and religious societies, masks and masking holds varying degrees of importance. The spiritual meaning surrounding masks is often viewed through the rituals for which they are required. In a socio-cultural context, masks can hold important meaning for showing outward displays of cultural heritage and ritual meaning. When used in cultural practices such as healing ceremonies, coming of age rites and spiritual practices their importance is often paramount. It is interesting to note the contrasting perceptions of meaning which can surround a particular mask when possession is transferred between differing cultures. This shift brings forth a change in meaning which is often considerably different to the masks original intention. When masks become removed from their original owner society, whether through legitimate means or misappropriation, the meaning and cultural significance is markedly changed. This shift in ownership can have such a considerably impact on the original owner society that the original meaning and significance of the mask can be transformed indefinitely (Seip, 1999).
Glimpses of the ritual significance of masks can be seen in modern society with some modern practices having roots in ancient masking rituals. One such ritualistic application which drew attention and can be considered to have been developed through ancient shamanic healing rituals is the role of clown doctors within hospitals. A study conducted by Van Blerkom likens the masking of clown doctors to shamanic healers, in that their use of superficial masking and masking performances directly assists in patients dealing with illnesses (Van Blerkom, 1995). This is but one application of modern day masking in which ritual masking has survived and evolved within modern society, to now be utilized in a clinical environment.
References:
• Chavez, FB 3rd 2010, Types of Tribal Masks, Website Article, eHow, viewed 29th March 2011, http://www.ehow.com/list_7397010_types-tribal-masks.html
• Crisp, T 2010, Altered States of Consciousness, Website Article, Dreams Health Yoga Body Mind & Spirit, viewed 29th March 2011, http://dreamhawk.com/dream-encyclopedia/altered-states-of-consciousness/
• Pollock, D 1995, ‘Masks and the Semiotics of Identity’, The Journal of Royal Anthropological Institute’, vol. 1, no. 3, pp. 581-597.
• Seip, LP 1999, ‘Transformations of Meaning: The life history of a Nuxalk Mask’, World Archaeology, vol. 31, no. 2, pp. 272-287.
• Subhash, K 2004, ‘Ritual, Masks and Sacrifice’, Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences, vol. 11, pp. 1-15.
• Tonkin, E 1979, ‘Masks and Powers’, Man, vol. 14, no. 2, pp. 237-248.
• Van Blerkom, LM 1995, ‘Shaman Healers of Western Medicine’, Medical Anthropology Quarterly, vol. 9, no. 4, pp. 462-475
By. Fraser Barton
The symbolic and ritual application surrounding mask wearing is of significant importance when beginning to understand ritual practices such as those performed by Shaman. The physical act of wearing a mask is often considered a necessary component in many shamanic practices in which transformation of shaman into spirit form is required (Pollock, 1995). Mask wearing is not however confined to shamanic practices. Ritual masks held particular importance to many ancient societies and their importance remains, although to a lesser extent, in modern ritual and cultural practices. Mask-wearing or masking allows for a transformative state to be achieved by the wearer. This is often through ritual practices accompanying the wearing, and is compounded through the cultural and social significance of wearing the mask and the materials in which it is constructed from.
A mask can be considered as anything which acts to conceal an individual’s direct identity and is often worm upon the face causing partial or full obscurity. Ritual masks are usually ornate and elaborate in design, constructed of items of specific importance to that culture or ritual such as wood, leaves, animal skin, and even human bones (Chavez, 2011). Such cultural masks are often deemed sacred and worn only during certain rituals. They are seen as an integral part of healing, blessing and magic rituals and in certain cultures are considered to contain spiritual powers (Chavez, 2011).
Masks play an important role in portraying personal and cultural identity and possess the contradictory ability to both disguise and define an identity. In its purest form a mask can be considered a mere disguise, an obfuscation of the individual as it has become associated with in modern times. In a more traditional sense, a mask is used to manipulate identity. Masks have been used in many religious and cultural practices and to many societies are necessary in reinforcing and instilling familial and cultural identity. The wearing of a mask, often during cultural or religious purposes can elicit an intense identity transformation within the wearer. Mask makers and wearers describe this as being a transformation of personality, in which the wearer becomes a representation of a spiritual essence (Tonkin, 1979).
It is interesting to note that the use of Masks in disguising and manipulating identity often fail to fully disguise the identity of the individual. In this sense then, masks can essentially be described as a spiritual disguise. Whilst the identity of the individual who becomes masked is known, the spiritual identity is foreign while worn (Pollock, 1995). Mask wearing can also be seen as a representation of cultural identity, as Masks are often worn during ceremonies unique to the individual culture and are seen as a way of demonstrating and teaching cultural heritage and identity (Pollock, 1995). Masks become iconic to the culture and resemble cultural dimensions which can only be expressed through their wearing (Pollock, 1995).
Masks are often a very powerful and persuasive component of cultural and religious rituals. The act of ritual masking can be seen as crucial to attaining a transformative state for the wearer. Masks act as a connection to the spirit world and allow for the wearer to disengage from reality and become ultimately transformed in spiritual identity (Subhash, 2004). Ritual masking is often used to call upon ancestral or animal spirits. These ritual spirits channelled through the mask provide the wearer with a sense of empowerment and in the case of ancestral spirits can help reaffirm cultural identity. The construction of the mask is often specific to its requirement for the ritual. Ritual masks may be designed in such a way that during rituals, the eyes, ears or mouth may be covered to block out all sound or vision, in order to give the wearer a feeling of sensory deprivation. It is this sense of sensory deprivation, coupled by the ritualistic aspect of masking which assists in attaining an altered state of consciousness as required for the ritual (Crisp, 2010).
Ritual masking is not necessarily limited to facial disguising. Research conducted by Pollock details the Kulina tribe located deep within the Brazilian Amazons in which masking is primarily auditory, contrasting masking in a traditional, visual sense (Pollock, 1995). Face and body masking is used on occasion during rituals but is considered to be unnecessary as many rituals are performed during the night (Pollock, 1995). Kulina shamans undergo an identity transformation in the absence of any visual masks, instead the masking is through wild bird and animal sounds (Pollock, 1995). This serves to replace conventional speech and the spirit transformation seen through speech not sight.
For different cultural and religious societies, masks and masking holds varying degrees of importance. The spiritual meaning surrounding masks is often viewed through the rituals for which they are required. In a socio-cultural context, masks can hold important meaning for showing outward displays of cultural heritage and ritual meaning. When used in cultural practices such as healing ceremonies, coming of age rites and spiritual practices their importance is often paramount. It is interesting to note the contrasting perceptions of meaning which can surround a particular mask when possession is transferred between differing cultures. This shift brings forth a change in meaning which is often considerably different to the masks original intention. When masks become removed from their original owner society, whether through legitimate means or misappropriation, the meaning and cultural significance is markedly changed. This shift in ownership can have such a considerably impact on the original owner society that the original meaning and significance of the mask can be transformed indefinitely (Seip, 1999).
Glimpses of the ritual significance of masks can be seen in modern society with some modern practices having roots in ancient masking rituals. One such ritualistic application which drew attention and can be considered to have been developed through ancient shamanic healing rituals is the role of clown doctors within hospitals. A study conducted by Van Blerkom likens the masking of clown doctors to shamanic healers, in that their use of superficial masking and masking performances directly assists in patients dealing with illnesses (Van Blerkom, 1995). This is but one application of modern day masking in which ritual masking has survived and evolved within modern society, to now be utilized in a clinical environment.
References:
• Chavez, FB 3rd 2010, Types of Tribal Masks, Website Article, eHow, viewed 29th March 2011, http://www.ehow.com/list_7397010_types-tribal-masks.html
• Crisp, T 2010, Altered States of Consciousness, Website Article, Dreams Health Yoga Body Mind & Spirit, viewed 29th March 2011, http://dreamhawk.com/dream-encyclopedia/altered-states-of-consciousness/
• Pollock, D 1995, ‘Masks and the Semiotics of Identity’, The Journal of Royal Anthropological Institute’, vol. 1, no. 3, pp. 581-597.
• Seip, LP 1999, ‘Transformations of Meaning: The life history of a Nuxalk Mask’, World Archaeology, vol. 31, no. 2, pp. 272-287.
• Subhash, K 2004, ‘Ritual, Masks and Sacrifice’, Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences, vol. 11, pp. 1-15.
• Tonkin, E 1979, ‘Masks and Powers’, Man, vol. 14, no. 2, pp. 237-248.
• Van Blerkom, LM 1995, ‘Shaman Healers of Western Medicine’, Medical Anthropology Quarterly, vol. 9, no. 4, pp. 462-475
Exploring Shamanic, Ecstatic and Transcendent Experiences in Western Urban Society
Exploring Shamanic, Ecstatic and Transcendent Experiences in Western Urban Society
A Blog Reflection
By Jessica Allardyce
Many examples of shamanic, ecstatic and transcendent experiences are still present in today’s western urban society. Today, these spiritual experiences are most commonly regarded as self-induced and unaffiliated with religion. Recreational activities such as exercise, dance, music, fasting and sex are thought to bring about alternative states of consciousness (ASC) along with the usage of various natural and unnatural drugs. Because these states of consciousness are self-induced, the role of the shaman in facilitating the transition of individuals into periods of ecstasy and transcendence is less common in western culture and continues to decrease in practice around the world. Using knowledge from various articles, books and personal experience, I will discuss shamanic, ecstatic and transcendent experiences in today’s western urban society.
Self-induced ecstatic experiences continue to increase in popularity among western culture. Traditional holistic healing activities such as yoga, meditation and Tai Chi, are commonly practiced for a variety of purposes. These activities are thought to cleanse the mind and body of negative toxins and are widely accepted by scientists and doctors. It is disputable as to why these practices have increased so rapidly in popularity in western culture over the past decade. With regards to physical health, holistic healing in the form of yoga and tai chi can be linked directly to the large increase in obesity among today’s western urban society. Meditation has also increased largely in popularity over the past decade. A primary reason for this can be attributed to the increased level of research and recognition the practice has received by credible doctors and scientists. It has been proven to decrease blood pressure, relive stress and increase brain activation.
In my own experiences, ecstatic and transcendent experiences are very common in both younger and older generations. Both my grandmother and aunt frequently practiced meditation, claiming that it bought them to a level of peace and tranquility. Naturally I was intrigued, and in disbelief. It was not until I began frequently practicing yoga that I began understanding the effects of induced tranquility. The practice offers an all-inclusive alternative state of consciousness, promoting an out of body experience through synchronized harmony of the mind, body and soul. Peace, tranquility and reflection are promoted throughout the practice, allowing the body to enter into a state of personal ecstasy and ASC. It can be argued that the yoga instructor behaves as a shaman in an untraditional setting. The instructor acts as a facilitator to ASC, assisting individuals to a state of ecstasy.
The psychedelic movement of the 1960’s revolutionized the way individuals in western society incorporated ecstatic and transcendent experiences into everyday life. The movement popularized various substances known to stimulate ecstatic and transcendent experiences. Traditionally, natural herbs such as marijuana are common in the shamanic practices to facilitate ASC and the transportation of a being to a new spiritual plane of existence. Since the psychedelic movement, many unnatural substances such as LSD, acid and MDMA (also known as ecstasy) became common and widely recognized in western society for recreational inducement to ASC and physiological euphoria. These chemical substances, known for producing abnormally long periods of trance and ASC, are entirely unnatural and untraditional to shamanic practice. These substances are also quite harmful to the body and can be highly addictive.
Younger generations often associate ecstasy and trance with self-induced euphoria produced from various music and harmful chemical substance. I have never tried any of the unnatural substances previously mentioned such as LSD, Acid and MDMA, however I have been witness to the psychological effects they have on other individuals. The reason I have not tried any of these substances is not because I am aware of them to be illegal, but because the idea of becoming a prisoner of my thoughts and functions to the mercy of a chemical drug frightens me. Unlike in traditional shamanism and trance, the individual has no control over the length of their ASC, which can often last for long periods of time. Since the 1980’s, raves have become extremely popular amongst the younger generations of western society. A rave can be described as a blend of faced-paced music and light shows with the presence of a lot of drugs. Essentially a rave is an all-inclusive transcending experience where individuals can loose all inner consciousnesses for several hours at a time. The music acts as a stimulus to ASC along with any drugs consumed.
According to sociologists, 35-50 percent of the people in Australia, Britain and England have reported to have had at least one transcendent experience in their life (Louis Roy, O.P). As discussed earlier, these experiences are not inherently religions. Often, reports of transcendent experiences can be compared directly with acts of magic and witchcraft. The Archives of Scientists Transcendent Experiences (TASTE) is an online journal devoted to transcendent experiences that scientists have reported. Many of the reports on TASTE describe ASC experiences where individuals connect with ancestors or past loved ones both psychologically and physically. Other reports involve psychological manipulation. One male wrote that he believed he had mentally willed a bus to stop. Because of the direct affiliation between transcendent experiences and magic, transcendent experiences are generally associated with negative connotations in Western culture.
In conclusion, ecstatic and transcendent experiences are very common in western culture in an untraditional and non-religious sense. Most of these experiences are self-induced for a range of purposes such as recreation and physical and mental health. Although the role of the traditional shaman has little influence on western society, shamanic entities are still present in the role of facilitating transportation to a new plane of spiritual existence. Drugs and substance abuse is common in western society, primarily in youth, as a means of inducing individuals into abnormally long periods of ASC. Transcendent experiences have developed a negative connotation in western society as it is often affiliated with magic and witchcraft.
References:
Avery, Samuel. 2003. Transcendence of the Western Mind: Physics, Metaphysics and Life on Earth. Compari
Howell, Julia. 1997. Sociology of Religion: ASC Induction Techniques, ‘Spiritual Experiences, and Commitment to New Religious Movements’. 58(2): 141-164
Hume, Lynne. 2002. Portals: Opening Doorways to Other Realities through the Senses. Oxford: Berg.
Roy, Louis: 2001. Transcendent Experiences: Phenomenology and Critique. University of Toronto Press
Tart, Charles T. 1999. The Archives of Scientists Transcendent Experiences. http://www.issc-taste.org/
Walsh, Roger. 1993. Journal of the American Academy of Religion: ‘Phenomenological Mapping and Comparisons of Shamanic, Buddhist, Yogic, and Schizophrenic Experiences’. 61(4): 739-769
A Blog Reflection
By Jessica Allardyce
Many examples of shamanic, ecstatic and transcendent experiences are still present in today’s western urban society. Today, these spiritual experiences are most commonly regarded as self-induced and unaffiliated with religion. Recreational activities such as exercise, dance, music, fasting and sex are thought to bring about alternative states of consciousness (ASC) along with the usage of various natural and unnatural drugs. Because these states of consciousness are self-induced, the role of the shaman in facilitating the transition of individuals into periods of ecstasy and transcendence is less common in western culture and continues to decrease in practice around the world. Using knowledge from various articles, books and personal experience, I will discuss shamanic, ecstatic and transcendent experiences in today’s western urban society.
Self-induced ecstatic experiences continue to increase in popularity among western culture. Traditional holistic healing activities such as yoga, meditation and Tai Chi, are commonly practiced for a variety of purposes. These activities are thought to cleanse the mind and body of negative toxins and are widely accepted by scientists and doctors. It is disputable as to why these practices have increased so rapidly in popularity in western culture over the past decade. With regards to physical health, holistic healing in the form of yoga and tai chi can be linked directly to the large increase in obesity among today’s western urban society. Meditation has also increased largely in popularity over the past decade. A primary reason for this can be attributed to the increased level of research and recognition the practice has received by credible doctors and scientists. It has been proven to decrease blood pressure, relive stress and increase brain activation.
In my own experiences, ecstatic and transcendent experiences are very common in both younger and older generations. Both my grandmother and aunt frequently practiced meditation, claiming that it bought them to a level of peace and tranquility. Naturally I was intrigued, and in disbelief. It was not until I began frequently practicing yoga that I began understanding the effects of induced tranquility. The practice offers an all-inclusive alternative state of consciousness, promoting an out of body experience through synchronized harmony of the mind, body and soul. Peace, tranquility and reflection are promoted throughout the practice, allowing the body to enter into a state of personal ecstasy and ASC. It can be argued that the yoga instructor behaves as a shaman in an untraditional setting. The instructor acts as a facilitator to ASC, assisting individuals to a state of ecstasy.
The psychedelic movement of the 1960’s revolutionized the way individuals in western society incorporated ecstatic and transcendent experiences into everyday life. The movement popularized various substances known to stimulate ecstatic and transcendent experiences. Traditionally, natural herbs such as marijuana are common in the shamanic practices to facilitate ASC and the transportation of a being to a new spiritual plane of existence. Since the psychedelic movement, many unnatural substances such as LSD, acid and MDMA (also known as ecstasy) became common and widely recognized in western society for recreational inducement to ASC and physiological euphoria. These chemical substances, known for producing abnormally long periods of trance and ASC, are entirely unnatural and untraditional to shamanic practice. These substances are also quite harmful to the body and can be highly addictive.
Younger generations often associate ecstasy and trance with self-induced euphoria produced from various music and harmful chemical substance. I have never tried any of the unnatural substances previously mentioned such as LSD, Acid and MDMA, however I have been witness to the psychological effects they have on other individuals. The reason I have not tried any of these substances is not because I am aware of them to be illegal, but because the idea of becoming a prisoner of my thoughts and functions to the mercy of a chemical drug frightens me. Unlike in traditional shamanism and trance, the individual has no control over the length of their ASC, which can often last for long periods of time. Since the 1980’s, raves have become extremely popular amongst the younger generations of western society. A rave can be described as a blend of faced-paced music and light shows with the presence of a lot of drugs. Essentially a rave is an all-inclusive transcending experience where individuals can loose all inner consciousnesses for several hours at a time. The music acts as a stimulus to ASC along with any drugs consumed.
According to sociologists, 35-50 percent of the people in Australia, Britain and England have reported to have had at least one transcendent experience in their life (Louis Roy, O.P). As discussed earlier, these experiences are not inherently religions. Often, reports of transcendent experiences can be compared directly with acts of magic and witchcraft. The Archives of Scientists Transcendent Experiences (TASTE) is an online journal devoted to transcendent experiences that scientists have reported. Many of the reports on TASTE describe ASC experiences where individuals connect with ancestors or past loved ones both psychologically and physically. Other reports involve psychological manipulation. One male wrote that he believed he had mentally willed a bus to stop. Because of the direct affiliation between transcendent experiences and magic, transcendent experiences are generally associated with negative connotations in Western culture.
In conclusion, ecstatic and transcendent experiences are very common in western culture in an untraditional and non-religious sense. Most of these experiences are self-induced for a range of purposes such as recreation and physical and mental health. Although the role of the traditional shaman has little influence on western society, shamanic entities are still present in the role of facilitating transportation to a new plane of spiritual existence. Drugs and substance abuse is common in western society, primarily in youth, as a means of inducing individuals into abnormally long periods of ASC. Transcendent experiences have developed a negative connotation in western society as it is often affiliated with magic and witchcraft.
References:
Avery, Samuel. 2003. Transcendence of the Western Mind: Physics, Metaphysics and Life on Earth. Compari
Howell, Julia. 1997. Sociology of Religion: ASC Induction Techniques, ‘Spiritual Experiences, and Commitment to New Religious Movements’. 58(2): 141-164
Hume, Lynne. 2002. Portals: Opening Doorways to Other Realities through the Senses. Oxford: Berg.
Roy, Louis: 2001. Transcendent Experiences: Phenomenology and Critique. University of Toronto Press
Tart, Charles T. 1999. The Archives of Scientists Transcendent Experiences. http://www.issc-taste.org/
Walsh, Roger. 1993. Journal of the American Academy of Religion: ‘Phenomenological Mapping and Comparisons of Shamanic, Buddhist, Yogic, and Schizophrenic Experiences’. 61(4): 739-769
Thursday, May 13, 2010
Profile of a Modern Day Shaman
The Search for a Modern Day Shaman
By Toby Coates
Shamanism is not a topic often discussed in modern Western society, and rarely will one be called a Shaman. In the occasional event when the term is applied, it is done so loosely, resulting in negative connotations from its misplaced interchangeability with words like ‘sorcerer’ and magician’ (Fox 2001: 315), and such a misunderstood and disrespectful use of the term ‘Shaman’ holds it back from being truly understood or respected.
The purpose of this essay is to examine the existence of a Shaman in modern Western society, by exploring the question of whether a massage therapist fits the framework of a Shaman . In short, this framework consists of healing, ritual, the appropriate use of altered states of consciousness (ASC) and the travel between different realms of reality – which will specifically be referred to in this paper as ‘Shamanistic travel’. In order to effectively approach the discussion at hand, generate a greater understanding of massage therapy and create a focused and streamlined paper, an interview has been conducted with Mandy Coates, a massage therapist. Rather then focusing on the overly vague question of whether any massage therapist can fit the framework of a Shaman, this paper will specifically explore whether Mandy Coates matches this outline.
This will done through four key steps, in which the importance of each element to the Shaman framework will be explained and clarified, followed by an examination of the extent to which Coates’ work as a massage therapist matches that element. Through these steps, it will be shown that Mandy Coates, a massage therapist in modern Western society, can potentially act as a modern day Shaman.
There are four key elements that support the framework of a Shaman to be discussed in this paper, the first of which is healing. Healing is a major feature of Shamanistic practices, and there is nearly always an element of healing involved in some way within the work of a Shaman. (Atkinson 1992: 313-314; Calvert 2002: 13; Farmer 2003; Hume 2007: 2; Jilek 2005: 9; Johnson et. al 2008: 62; Mayes 2005: 330; Nakanishi 2006: 235; Townsend 1997: 432,450; USA Today 2005: 12).
What is vital to understand is that Shamanistic healing goes far beyond conventional healing in Western society, which is focused on the physical symptoms and cures. Shamanistic healing involves a much deeper, complete healing, stepping between the emotional and physical, conscious and subconscious, individual and communal, in order to generate an absolute state of both physical and psychological well-being. (Farmer 2003; Hume 2007: 23; Jilek 2005: 13; Noll 1983: 444; Winkelman 1997: 393,395, 415)
So, the question to answer here is whether or not Mandy’s work as a massage therapist involves this absolute form of healing. When asked whether her massage involved healing beyond the physical realm, M. Coates (2010, Personal Communication, May 10) responded with a loud ‘definitely’, before going on to explain how her massage – specifically kahuna massage – achieves just this depth of healing. She explains how massage works on areas of conscious and subconscious emotional stress and deep memories in order to achieve this absolute healing.
Now that the importance of healing to Shamanism has been clarified, and the clear extent to which massage therapy matches this element has become obvious, the next aspect of the Shaman framework can be explored. This next element to be explored is the importance of ritual within Shamanistic practices. Ritual plays an undeniably large aspect of the Shamans life (Farmer 2003; Jilek 2005: 9). Much of their experience involves tradition, repetition and ceremony, all of which feature ritual. There are various crucial functions of ritual to Shamanism. Through appropriate use of ritual, a Shaman is able to create the necessary environment in which the inhibitions of the mind are allowed to open, and design a mood that can comfort those involved in what is a uniquely different experience then what they may be used to. What’s more, the use of ritual provides a spiritual consistency, aids in teaching and understanding, and can provide a far more communal and unifying experience than may have occurred otherwise. (Calvert 2002: 13-14; Farmer 2003; Hume 1997: 112,113,136). Calvert (2002: 14) and Vega (2006: 6) also notes that ritual plays a significant feature in Shamanistic healing, and Calvert goes on to point out the frequent use of massage in Shamanistic rituals of healing.
M. Coates (2010, Personal Communication, May 10) noted how she felt ritual played an integral part in her massage. Firstly, her rituals before and after each massage helped define her work, while the massage itself consisted of a learned ritual – particularly the use of music, and of ‘dance’ around the client – vital to generating the desired atmosphere and result. Secondly, Coates mentions the individual rituals that each client may develop. These can be important for allowing the client to effectively remove themselves from their ‘ordinary’ life, and prepare for the ‘unconventional’ experience to come. Coates goes on to explain how essential her ritual is to the massage, in order to create the necessary environment and provide a consistent process that can successfully encompass complete healing.
Now that the use of ritual is understood, and it has been shown that a massage therapist can appropriately involve this vital element, a Shamans use of ASC will be explored. The appropriate use of ASC is a fundamental basis of Shamanic practices, as the shift of focus onto the senses is extremely important for their ability to gain greater knowledge of the elements and energies around – and within – them, and to effectively participate in the form of absolute Shamanistic healing mentioned earlier (Hume 2007: 4-5; Jilek 2005: 10-11; Johnson et. al 2008: 64; Peters and Price-Williams 1980: 398; Townsend 1997: 431,438; Winkelman 1997: 402).
ASC can be used to encourage union between all levels of consciousness and promote self-awareness and well-being. When used correctly, it can also generate greater awareness of ones own reality and understanding of the nature of the universe and life itself; knowledge that is inaccessible in the ordinary state of consciousness. In short, ASC provides a means through which greater realms of knowledge come within our grasp. (Farmer 2003; Hume 2007: 3,7,17; Noll 1983: 444; Vega 2006: 2; Willis 1994: 16,18; Winkelman 1997: 393,395,409)
In the interview with M. Coates (2010, Personal Communication, May 10), it can be seen just how prevalent ASC is in her massage . She points out how she can find an ASC within herself. During her ritual – of performing her dance, hearing her music and opening up to the energies within the room – she is able to find her own altered state, one of peace and understanding. On top of this, she notes the clients potential to reach an altered state, assisting in absolute healing. The client can find themselves in a state of deeper thought where solutions to inner problems may present themselves, either knowingly or not. From these observations, it is clear that whether ASC occurs in the client, Coates herself, or even both at the same time, it is not only a common feature of her massage, but also a significant tool by which absolute healing can occur.
Healing, ritual and the use of ASC have not only been examined as essential elements of Shamanistic practices, but have also been shown to be dominant features of relevant massage practices by Mandy Coates. The final chapter of the Shaman framework to be explored here is Shamanistic travel .
The first thing that must be done is to explain what is meant by this type of ‘travel’. In short, there are different levels of reality and existence beyond that which is ordinarily perceived (Hume 1997: 113, 2007: 1,5; Jilek 2005: 9; Mayes 2005: 330,345; Townsend 1997: 437; USA Today 2005: 12; Vitebsky 2003: 279). This is tied in with the use of ASC, in that these different realms can be reached through appropriate ASC. Conventional reality consists of a closed perception of existence, hindered by personal and societal inhibitions and the pressure of an overwhelming stream of unanswered issues and irrational beliefs. Shamanistic travel involves the ability to effectively ‘break away’ from this reality, into an opened state of mind; a different realm of existence. (Farmer 2003; Hume 2007: 5-7; Jilek 2005: 9; Peters and Price-Williams 1980: 405-406; Townsend 1997: 437; Winkelman 1997: 411-412)
The purpose of such travel is that by using this ability, the Shaman is able to open their minds not only to their individual existence, but also to the nature and life around them and access an otherwise invisible reality. Through this, they can create a greater connection with, and understanding of, other beings, leading to an enhanced ability to seek out answers to that beings issues, and assist in greater levels of healing. (Farmer 2003; Hume 2007: 3-7,23; Willis 1994: 16)
Healing and ritual, and to some extent, the use of ASC, are all intuitively used within massage. However, the question of whether the massage therapist has the ability to successfully use Shamanistic travel provides a more challenging requirement. M. Coates’ description of her ASC helps explain how she is able to match this kind of travel (2010, Personal Communication, May 10). She notes her belief in different planes of life, and the separation from the day-to-day plane that she makes during massage. As she travels to another realm – with the help of her rituals and ASC – where she can relax her own mind, feel the ‘groove’ and connect on a new level with her patient, she generates greater potentials of healing and understanding.
This essay has explored Shamanism in modern Western society. Specifically, it set out to establish whether Mandy Coates, a modern massage therapist, can fit the framework of a Shaman. To approach the discussion, this essay consisted of four key steps. Each step was an explanation of a fundamental element of the Shaman framework – being healing, ritual, ASC and Shamanistic travel – and an examination of Coates’ applicability to that element.
Through these steps, this paper has provided a relevant Shamanistic profile of Mandy Coates, and shown how her work as a massage therapist appropriately matches the framework of a Shaman. As such, this essay has shown that although modern Western society does not recognise any formal workers as ‘Shamans’, this by no means leads to a lack of any Shamans in such a society. Massage therapy, when performed in the relevant and appropriate manner, has the potential to match Shamanistic practices.
Whether or not they are recognised, Shamans exist today, spread throughout society. The saddest thing is not that Western society does not recognise and respect their abilities, but that the Shamans themselves may not see the truth. Western society must seek to understand the truth of Shamanism, and the Shamans themselves must open up to their abilities.
Reference List:
• Atkinson, Jane Monnig. 1992. ‘Shamanisms Today.’ Annual Review of Anthropology 21(1): 307-330.
• Calvert, Robert Noah. 2002. The History of Massage. Vermont, USA: Healing Arts Press.
• Farmer, Steven. 2003. Shamanism and the Shamanic Journey. Accessed 30 April 2010. Available at: http://www.drstevenfarmer.com/shamanic-writing/78-shamanism-and-the-shamanic-journey
• Fox, Mary Jo Tippeconnic. 2002. ‘Shamanism’. Review of Shamanism, by Piers Vitebsky. The Social Science Journal 39(2): 314-316.
• MacLellan, Gordon. 2003, ‘Dancing on the Edge’. In Shamanism: A Reader, ed. G. Harvey. London, UK: Routledge.
• Hume, Lynne. 1997. Witchcraft and Paganism in Australia. Victoria, Australia: Melbourne University Press.
• Hume, Lynne. 2007. Portals: Opening Doorways to Other Realities through the Senses. Oxford, UK: Berg.
• Jilek, Wolfgang. 2005. ‘Transforming the Shaman: Changing Western Views of Shamanism and. Altered States of Consciousness’. Numero 7(1): 8-15.
• Johnson, Luke, Janelle Levesque, Adam Rock and Jessica Wilson. 2008. ‘Ego Boundaries, Shamanic-Like Techniques, and Subjective Experience: An Experimental Study’. Anthropology of Consciousness 19(1): 60-83.
• Klaniczay, Gábor. 2006. ‘Shamanism and Witchcraft’. Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 1(2): 214-221.
• Mayes, Clifford. 2005. 'The teacher as shaman.' Journal of Curriculum Studies 37(3): 329-348.
• Nakanishi, Fumiaki. 2006. ‘Possession: A Form of Shamanism’. Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 1(2): 234-241
• Peters, Larry and Douglass Price-Williams. 1980. ‘Towards an Experiential Analysis of Shamanism.’ American Ethnologist 7(3): 397-418
• Townsend, Joan. 1997. ‘Shamanism’. In Anthropology of Religion: A Handbook, ed. Stephen D. Glazier. Connecticut, USA: Greenwood Press.
• USA Today. 2005. ‘Can Shamanism Really Heal Patients?’. USA Today 133(2721): 12.
• Vega, Selene. 2006. ‘Entering Creative Consciousness: Moving into Deep Connection’. Accessed 30 April 2010. Available at: www.spiritmoving.com/papers/Creative%20Consciousness.pdf
• Vitebsky, Piers. 2003. ‘From Cosmology to Environmentalism: Shamanism as Local Knowledge in a Global Setting’. In Shamanism: A Reader, ed. G. Harvey. London, UK: Routledge.
• Wallis, Robert J. 2003. Shamans and Neo-Shamans : ecstasy alternative archaeologies and contemporary pagans. London and New York : Routledge
• Willis, Roy. 1994. ‘New Shamanism’. Anthropology Today 10(6): 16-18.
• Winkelman, Michael. 1997. ‘Altered States of Consciousness and Religious Behaviour.’ In Anthropology of Religion: A Handbook, ed. Stephen D. Glazier. Connecticut, USA: Greenwood Press.
By Toby Coates
Shamanism is not a topic often discussed in modern Western society, and rarely will one be called a Shaman. In the occasional event when the term is applied, it is done so loosely, resulting in negative connotations from its misplaced interchangeability with words like ‘sorcerer’ and magician’ (Fox 2001: 315), and such a misunderstood and disrespectful use of the term ‘Shaman’ holds it back from being truly understood or respected.
The purpose of this essay is to examine the existence of a Shaman in modern Western society, by exploring the question of whether a massage therapist fits the framework of a Shaman . In short, this framework consists of healing, ritual, the appropriate use of altered states of consciousness (ASC) and the travel between different realms of reality – which will specifically be referred to in this paper as ‘Shamanistic travel’. In order to effectively approach the discussion at hand, generate a greater understanding of massage therapy and create a focused and streamlined paper, an interview has been conducted with Mandy Coates, a massage therapist. Rather then focusing on the overly vague question of whether any massage therapist can fit the framework of a Shaman, this paper will specifically explore whether Mandy Coates matches this outline.
This will done through four key steps, in which the importance of each element to the Shaman framework will be explained and clarified, followed by an examination of the extent to which Coates’ work as a massage therapist matches that element. Through these steps, it will be shown that Mandy Coates, a massage therapist in modern Western society, can potentially act as a modern day Shaman.
There are four key elements that support the framework of a Shaman to be discussed in this paper, the first of which is healing. Healing is a major feature of Shamanistic practices, and there is nearly always an element of healing involved in some way within the work of a Shaman. (Atkinson 1992: 313-314; Calvert 2002: 13; Farmer 2003; Hume 2007: 2; Jilek 2005: 9; Johnson et. al 2008: 62; Mayes 2005: 330; Nakanishi 2006: 235; Townsend 1997: 432,450; USA Today 2005: 12).
What is vital to understand is that Shamanistic healing goes far beyond conventional healing in Western society, which is focused on the physical symptoms and cures. Shamanistic healing involves a much deeper, complete healing, stepping between the emotional and physical, conscious and subconscious, individual and communal, in order to generate an absolute state of both physical and psychological well-being. (Farmer 2003; Hume 2007: 23; Jilek 2005: 13; Noll 1983: 444; Winkelman 1997: 393,395, 415)
So, the question to answer here is whether or not Mandy’s work as a massage therapist involves this absolute form of healing. When asked whether her massage involved healing beyond the physical realm, M. Coates (2010, Personal Communication, May 10) responded with a loud ‘definitely’, before going on to explain how her massage – specifically kahuna massage – achieves just this depth of healing. She explains how massage works on areas of conscious and subconscious emotional stress and deep memories in order to achieve this absolute healing.
Now that the importance of healing to Shamanism has been clarified, and the clear extent to which massage therapy matches this element has become obvious, the next aspect of the Shaman framework can be explored. This next element to be explored is the importance of ritual within Shamanistic practices. Ritual plays an undeniably large aspect of the Shamans life (Farmer 2003; Jilek 2005: 9). Much of their experience involves tradition, repetition and ceremony, all of which feature ritual. There are various crucial functions of ritual to Shamanism. Through appropriate use of ritual, a Shaman is able to create the necessary environment in which the inhibitions of the mind are allowed to open, and design a mood that can comfort those involved in what is a uniquely different experience then what they may be used to. What’s more, the use of ritual provides a spiritual consistency, aids in teaching and understanding, and can provide a far more communal and unifying experience than may have occurred otherwise. (Calvert 2002: 13-14; Farmer 2003; Hume 1997: 112,113,136). Calvert (2002: 14) and Vega (2006: 6) also notes that ritual plays a significant feature in Shamanistic healing, and Calvert goes on to point out the frequent use of massage in Shamanistic rituals of healing.
M. Coates (2010, Personal Communication, May 10) noted how she felt ritual played an integral part in her massage. Firstly, her rituals before and after each massage helped define her work, while the massage itself consisted of a learned ritual – particularly the use of music, and of ‘dance’ around the client – vital to generating the desired atmosphere and result. Secondly, Coates mentions the individual rituals that each client may develop. These can be important for allowing the client to effectively remove themselves from their ‘ordinary’ life, and prepare for the ‘unconventional’ experience to come. Coates goes on to explain how essential her ritual is to the massage, in order to create the necessary environment and provide a consistent process that can successfully encompass complete healing.
Now that the use of ritual is understood, and it has been shown that a massage therapist can appropriately involve this vital element, a Shamans use of ASC will be explored. The appropriate use of ASC is a fundamental basis of Shamanic practices, as the shift of focus onto the senses is extremely important for their ability to gain greater knowledge of the elements and energies around – and within – them, and to effectively participate in the form of absolute Shamanistic healing mentioned earlier (Hume 2007: 4-5; Jilek 2005: 10-11; Johnson et. al 2008: 64; Peters and Price-Williams 1980: 398; Townsend 1997: 431,438; Winkelman 1997: 402).
ASC can be used to encourage union between all levels of consciousness and promote self-awareness and well-being. When used correctly, it can also generate greater awareness of ones own reality and understanding of the nature of the universe and life itself; knowledge that is inaccessible in the ordinary state of consciousness. In short, ASC provides a means through which greater realms of knowledge come within our grasp. (Farmer 2003; Hume 2007: 3,7,17; Noll 1983: 444; Vega 2006: 2; Willis 1994: 16,18; Winkelman 1997: 393,395,409)
In the interview with M. Coates (2010, Personal Communication, May 10), it can be seen just how prevalent ASC is in her massage . She points out how she can find an ASC within herself. During her ritual – of performing her dance, hearing her music and opening up to the energies within the room – she is able to find her own altered state, one of peace and understanding. On top of this, she notes the clients potential to reach an altered state, assisting in absolute healing. The client can find themselves in a state of deeper thought where solutions to inner problems may present themselves, either knowingly or not. From these observations, it is clear that whether ASC occurs in the client, Coates herself, or even both at the same time, it is not only a common feature of her massage, but also a significant tool by which absolute healing can occur.
Healing, ritual and the use of ASC have not only been examined as essential elements of Shamanistic practices, but have also been shown to be dominant features of relevant massage practices by Mandy Coates. The final chapter of the Shaman framework to be explored here is Shamanistic travel .
The first thing that must be done is to explain what is meant by this type of ‘travel’. In short, there are different levels of reality and existence beyond that which is ordinarily perceived (Hume 1997: 113, 2007: 1,5; Jilek 2005: 9; Mayes 2005: 330,345; Townsend 1997: 437; USA Today 2005: 12; Vitebsky 2003: 279). This is tied in with the use of ASC, in that these different realms can be reached through appropriate ASC. Conventional reality consists of a closed perception of existence, hindered by personal and societal inhibitions and the pressure of an overwhelming stream of unanswered issues and irrational beliefs. Shamanistic travel involves the ability to effectively ‘break away’ from this reality, into an opened state of mind; a different realm of existence. (Farmer 2003; Hume 2007: 5-7; Jilek 2005: 9; Peters and Price-Williams 1980: 405-406; Townsend 1997: 437; Winkelman 1997: 411-412)
The purpose of such travel is that by using this ability, the Shaman is able to open their minds not only to their individual existence, but also to the nature and life around them and access an otherwise invisible reality. Through this, they can create a greater connection with, and understanding of, other beings, leading to an enhanced ability to seek out answers to that beings issues, and assist in greater levels of healing. (Farmer 2003; Hume 2007: 3-7,23; Willis 1994: 16)
Healing and ritual, and to some extent, the use of ASC, are all intuitively used within massage. However, the question of whether the massage therapist has the ability to successfully use Shamanistic travel provides a more challenging requirement. M. Coates’ description of her ASC helps explain how she is able to match this kind of travel (2010, Personal Communication, May 10). She notes her belief in different planes of life, and the separation from the day-to-day plane that she makes during massage. As she travels to another realm – with the help of her rituals and ASC – where she can relax her own mind, feel the ‘groove’ and connect on a new level with her patient, she generates greater potentials of healing and understanding.
This essay has explored Shamanism in modern Western society. Specifically, it set out to establish whether Mandy Coates, a modern massage therapist, can fit the framework of a Shaman. To approach the discussion, this essay consisted of four key steps. Each step was an explanation of a fundamental element of the Shaman framework – being healing, ritual, ASC and Shamanistic travel – and an examination of Coates’ applicability to that element.
Through these steps, this paper has provided a relevant Shamanistic profile of Mandy Coates, and shown how her work as a massage therapist appropriately matches the framework of a Shaman. As such, this essay has shown that although modern Western society does not recognise any formal workers as ‘Shamans’, this by no means leads to a lack of any Shamans in such a society. Massage therapy, when performed in the relevant and appropriate manner, has the potential to match Shamanistic practices.
Whether or not they are recognised, Shamans exist today, spread throughout society. The saddest thing is not that Western society does not recognise and respect their abilities, but that the Shamans themselves may not see the truth. Western society must seek to understand the truth of Shamanism, and the Shamans themselves must open up to their abilities.
Reference List:
• Atkinson, Jane Monnig. 1992. ‘Shamanisms Today.’ Annual Review of Anthropology 21(1): 307-330.
• Calvert, Robert Noah. 2002. The History of Massage. Vermont, USA: Healing Arts Press.
• Farmer, Steven. 2003. Shamanism and the Shamanic Journey. Accessed 30 April 2010. Available at: http://www.drstevenfarmer.com/shamanic-writing/78-shamanism-and-the-shamanic-journey
• Fox, Mary Jo Tippeconnic. 2002. ‘Shamanism’. Review of Shamanism, by Piers Vitebsky. The Social Science Journal 39(2): 314-316.
• MacLellan, Gordon. 2003, ‘Dancing on the Edge’. In Shamanism: A Reader, ed. G. Harvey. London, UK: Routledge.
• Hume, Lynne. 1997. Witchcraft and Paganism in Australia. Victoria, Australia: Melbourne University Press.
• Hume, Lynne. 2007. Portals: Opening Doorways to Other Realities through the Senses. Oxford, UK: Berg.
• Jilek, Wolfgang. 2005. ‘Transforming the Shaman: Changing Western Views of Shamanism and. Altered States of Consciousness’. Numero 7(1): 8-15.
• Johnson, Luke, Janelle Levesque, Adam Rock and Jessica Wilson. 2008. ‘Ego Boundaries, Shamanic-Like Techniques, and Subjective Experience: An Experimental Study’. Anthropology of Consciousness 19(1): 60-83.
• Klaniczay, Gábor. 2006. ‘Shamanism and Witchcraft’. Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 1(2): 214-221.
• Mayes, Clifford. 2005. 'The teacher as shaman.' Journal of Curriculum Studies 37(3): 329-348.
• Nakanishi, Fumiaki. 2006. ‘Possession: A Form of Shamanism’. Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 1(2): 234-241
• Peters, Larry and Douglass Price-Williams. 1980. ‘Towards an Experiential Analysis of Shamanism.’ American Ethnologist 7(3): 397-418
• Townsend, Joan. 1997. ‘Shamanism’. In Anthropology of Religion: A Handbook, ed. Stephen D. Glazier. Connecticut, USA: Greenwood Press.
• USA Today. 2005. ‘Can Shamanism Really Heal Patients?’. USA Today 133(2721): 12.
• Vega, Selene. 2006. ‘Entering Creative Consciousness: Moving into Deep Connection’. Accessed 30 April 2010. Available at: www.spiritmoving.com/papers/Creative%20Consciousness.pdf
• Vitebsky, Piers. 2003. ‘From Cosmology to Environmentalism: Shamanism as Local Knowledge in a Global Setting’. In Shamanism: A Reader, ed. G. Harvey. London, UK: Routledge.
• Wallis, Robert J. 2003. Shamans and Neo-Shamans : ecstasy alternative archaeologies and contemporary pagans. London and New York : Routledge
• Willis, Roy. 1994. ‘New Shamanism’. Anthropology Today 10(6): 16-18.
• Winkelman, Michael. 1997. ‘Altered States of Consciousness and Religious Behaviour.’ In Anthropology of Religion: A Handbook, ed. Stephen D. Glazier. Connecticut, USA: Greenwood Press.
Wednesday, May 5, 2010
Altered States in Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu
Altered States in Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu
Catherine Mackenzie 41194078
Event explored and reviewed: Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu Competition, 27 March 2010
The warriors amble onto the green square mat, carefully sizing up their foe. Following them is the referee - their critic and adjudicator for four long minutes. One warrior bows to his opponent, the other too lost in tense concentration, forgets. The bell goes and yet, there is no contact. They begin to circle each other like two enraged yet cautious animals, always moving but not attacking. Suddenly there is movement, a lunge to unbalance the opponent and they fall to the ground in a forceful impassive embrace. They are completely unaware of anything other than their adversary and themselves. The crowd yells and cheers for their champion but it falls on deaf ears. They cannot hear anything.
Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu is a somewhat modern form of Martial Arts with its origins in Japanese Jiu-Jitsu. With the first school being opened in Rio de Janeiro in 1925 its expansion has occurred extremely quickly. Devotees of Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu train all over the world, striving to achieve prominence and compete in their field. As with any sport or combative practice, there is the ability to go further, to achieve higher levels of spiritual actualisation. This essay will address the occurrence of altered states in Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu and the forms that they can take. Whether it is a recognisable and clear state of altered consciousness or something more implicit like the feeling of being ‘in the zone’.
Sporting history is littered with stories of superhuman feats of strength and agility occurring at the very last moment to win a game or race. Can this just be labelled as ‘putting in more effort’ or is it something more? Is it perhaps that competitors or practitioners pass into an altered state of consciousness? There are innumerable accounts of the feeling of passing into a different level of achievement and skill, of being in “effortless control” (Murphy and White, 1995, pg 21). This is often referred to as being ‘in the zone’. The zone is not a physical place that an athlete can withdraw to, nor somewhere that can easily be reached by any mortal. Being ‘in the zone’ can reportedly include effects such as happiness, effortless, intuition, timelessness and self-transcendence (Cooper, 1998, pg 33). The phenomenon of timelessness is one that Manolito, a 22 year old devotee of Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu and Karate, can relate to. He believes that although Karate is a more mentally challenging practice, elements of altered states occur in both. During a fight he often loses the concept of time due to the intense concentration on what he is doing as well as the concentration on what his adversary is doing. Brian Aitken calls this experience ‘extraordinary time’ which he believes can act as a sign of some kind of transcendence (in Hoffman, 1992, pg 244) Manolito also notes the degree of detachment that can occur in a fight. He states “sometimes you get up and you’re dizzy, but you weren’t in that state when you were fighting”. Due to the high level of concentration, awareness of the state of the human body is made secondary and overcoming the opponent is of the upmost importance. The phrase, ‘in the zone’ has grown to encompass many different states of sporting prowess, all generally positive however. Achieving an altered state of consciousness in sport is seen as an advantageous and sought-after occurrence.
Joshua is a 21 year old Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu practitioner who has recently enlisted in the army and uses the Jiu-Jitsu to keep fit. Joshua competed in the heavyweight competition on the day. His first fight was against a man much taller than himself, although he would be considered in normal circles reasonably tall. Within 45 seconds Joshua has his opponent on the floor in a position that he must ‘tap out’ of, meaning he forfeits. The referee awards the match to Joshua and they shake hands. Talking to Joshua later he finds it difficult to explain how he managed to win the match so quickly. It is evident that being as well-trained as he is, his movements are intuitive and quick. In their book, In the Zone: Transcendent Experience in Sports, Michael Murphy and Rhea White write that “one does not consciously have to plan how to act: instead, one lets the appropriate responses happen of themselves” (1995, pg 25). These intuitive responses do not happen at a conscious level but instead occur when the brain switches off and the athlete moves into an altered state of being.
During the competition there is also the occurrence of competitors passing out completely, from what can be assumed to be a lack of oxygen to the brain. If a person was to faint in any normal everyday setting, they would be given water and made to lie down for an extended period of time. In the fighting arena, if a competitor passes out they stop the match, they wait for the invalid to wake whereby they immediately stand up and the other competitor is declared the winner. This kind of behaviour, to the untrained eye is somewhat inappropriate but these Jiu-Jitsu devotees are trained to pass in and out of the states of consciousness, masters of their craft not unlike the high priest who wakes from a trance, unharmed and unaltered.
Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu is just one of the many practices through which altered states can be achieved, despite it being decidedly less mentally challenging than other forms of martial arts. In competition, concentration is the hallmark of victory, allowing intuition and training take over and to eventually allow the competitor to move into ‘the zone’.
Bibliography
Aitken, Brian. Sport, Religion and Human Well-Being in Hoffman, Shirl. Sport and Religion. Illinois: Human Kinetics Books, 1992.
Camargo, Bruno. The History of Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu. http://www.ibjjf.org/jjh.htm (accessed 2 May 2010).
Cooper, Andrew. Playing in the Zone: Exploring the Spiritual Dimensions of Sports. Boston: Shambhala, 1998.
De Gasperi, Manolito. Interview taken on 27 March, 2010.
Murphy, Michael and Rhea A. White. In the Zone: Transcendent Experience in Sports. New York: Penguin/Arkana, 1995.
Parry, Jim. Sport and Spirituality: an Introduction. New York: Routledge, 2007.
Prebish, Charles S. Religion and Sport: the Meeting of Sacred and Profane. Westport: Greenwood Press, 1993.
Saint Sing, Susan. Spirituality of Sport: Balancing Body and Soul. Cincinnati: Anthony Messenger Press, 2004.
Sieber, Lothar, Wojciech J. Cynarski and Artur Litwiniuk. “Spheres of Fight in Martial Arts”. Archives of Budo 3 (2007).
Catherine Mackenzie 41194078
Event explored and reviewed: Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu Competition, 27 March 2010
The warriors amble onto the green square mat, carefully sizing up their foe. Following them is the referee - their critic and adjudicator for four long minutes. One warrior bows to his opponent, the other too lost in tense concentration, forgets. The bell goes and yet, there is no contact. They begin to circle each other like two enraged yet cautious animals, always moving but not attacking. Suddenly there is movement, a lunge to unbalance the opponent and they fall to the ground in a forceful impassive embrace. They are completely unaware of anything other than their adversary and themselves. The crowd yells and cheers for their champion but it falls on deaf ears. They cannot hear anything.
Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu is a somewhat modern form of Martial Arts with its origins in Japanese Jiu-Jitsu. With the first school being opened in Rio de Janeiro in 1925 its expansion has occurred extremely quickly. Devotees of Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu train all over the world, striving to achieve prominence and compete in their field. As with any sport or combative practice, there is the ability to go further, to achieve higher levels of spiritual actualisation. This essay will address the occurrence of altered states in Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu and the forms that they can take. Whether it is a recognisable and clear state of altered consciousness or something more implicit like the feeling of being ‘in the zone’.
Sporting history is littered with stories of superhuman feats of strength and agility occurring at the very last moment to win a game or race. Can this just be labelled as ‘putting in more effort’ or is it something more? Is it perhaps that competitors or practitioners pass into an altered state of consciousness? There are innumerable accounts of the feeling of passing into a different level of achievement and skill, of being in “effortless control” (Murphy and White, 1995, pg 21). This is often referred to as being ‘in the zone’. The zone is not a physical place that an athlete can withdraw to, nor somewhere that can easily be reached by any mortal. Being ‘in the zone’ can reportedly include effects such as happiness, effortless, intuition, timelessness and self-transcendence (Cooper, 1998, pg 33). The phenomenon of timelessness is one that Manolito, a 22 year old devotee of Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu and Karate, can relate to. He believes that although Karate is a more mentally challenging practice, elements of altered states occur in both. During a fight he often loses the concept of time due to the intense concentration on what he is doing as well as the concentration on what his adversary is doing. Brian Aitken calls this experience ‘extraordinary time’ which he believes can act as a sign of some kind of transcendence (in Hoffman, 1992, pg 244) Manolito also notes the degree of detachment that can occur in a fight. He states “sometimes you get up and you’re dizzy, but you weren’t in that state when you were fighting”. Due to the high level of concentration, awareness of the state of the human body is made secondary and overcoming the opponent is of the upmost importance. The phrase, ‘in the zone’ has grown to encompass many different states of sporting prowess, all generally positive however. Achieving an altered state of consciousness in sport is seen as an advantageous and sought-after occurrence.
Joshua is a 21 year old Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu practitioner who has recently enlisted in the army and uses the Jiu-Jitsu to keep fit. Joshua competed in the heavyweight competition on the day. His first fight was against a man much taller than himself, although he would be considered in normal circles reasonably tall. Within 45 seconds Joshua has his opponent on the floor in a position that he must ‘tap out’ of, meaning he forfeits. The referee awards the match to Joshua and they shake hands. Talking to Joshua later he finds it difficult to explain how he managed to win the match so quickly. It is evident that being as well-trained as he is, his movements are intuitive and quick. In their book, In the Zone: Transcendent Experience in Sports, Michael Murphy and Rhea White write that “one does not consciously have to plan how to act: instead, one lets the appropriate responses happen of themselves” (1995, pg 25). These intuitive responses do not happen at a conscious level but instead occur when the brain switches off and the athlete moves into an altered state of being.
During the competition there is also the occurrence of competitors passing out completely, from what can be assumed to be a lack of oxygen to the brain. If a person was to faint in any normal everyday setting, they would be given water and made to lie down for an extended period of time. In the fighting arena, if a competitor passes out they stop the match, they wait for the invalid to wake whereby they immediately stand up and the other competitor is declared the winner. This kind of behaviour, to the untrained eye is somewhat inappropriate but these Jiu-Jitsu devotees are trained to pass in and out of the states of consciousness, masters of their craft not unlike the high priest who wakes from a trance, unharmed and unaltered.
Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu is just one of the many practices through which altered states can be achieved, despite it being decidedly less mentally challenging than other forms of martial arts. In competition, concentration is the hallmark of victory, allowing intuition and training take over and to eventually allow the competitor to move into ‘the zone’.
Bibliography
Aitken, Brian. Sport, Religion and Human Well-Being in Hoffman, Shirl. Sport and Religion. Illinois: Human Kinetics Books, 1992.
Camargo, Bruno. The History of Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu. http://www.ibjjf.org/jjh.htm (accessed 2 May 2010).
Cooper, Andrew. Playing in the Zone: Exploring the Spiritual Dimensions of Sports. Boston: Shambhala, 1998.
De Gasperi, Manolito. Interview taken on 27 March, 2010.
Murphy, Michael and Rhea A. White. In the Zone: Transcendent Experience in Sports. New York: Penguin/Arkana, 1995.
Parry, Jim. Sport and Spirituality: an Introduction. New York: Routledge, 2007.
Prebish, Charles S. Religion and Sport: the Meeting of Sacred and Profane. Westport: Greenwood Press, 1993.
Saint Sing, Susan. Spirituality of Sport: Balancing Body and Soul. Cincinnati: Anthony Messenger Press, 2004.
Sieber, Lothar, Wojciech J. Cynarski and Artur Litwiniuk. “Spheres of Fight in Martial Arts”. Archives of Budo 3 (2007).
Replenishing the Soul through Yoga and Meditation
Yoga is a calming and meditative activity that allows for individuals to access an altered state of consciousness through elements of concentration and various body techniques. It is an activity practiced within the sanctuary of a peaceful and controlled environment, promoting participants to engage in reflection and create harmony throughout the mind, body and soul. It utilizes elements of meditation in the way that it calms the active mind and body of an individual, encouraging them to view reality as truth after their minds have been cleansed from the demanding outside world. Furthermore, it is essential for people within contemporary society to have an outlet that allows them to disengage from the busy modern world, and focus on their inner self. This can be accessed through the practice of yoga and meditation combined, allowing for an individual to access an altered state of consciousness to rejuvenate and revitalize the soul.
The Australian School of Meditation and Yoga is a centre located in the West End of Brisbane, promoting relaxation and inner peace through the wide variety of yoga and mediation classes they offer to the community. This particular school of yoga and meditation primarily targets young adults of different cultural backgrounds with its affordable prices and popular location. The Australian School of Meditation and Yoga is based within a comfortable wooden hall that is clean and tidy, decorated tastefully with lanterns and few posters representative of traditional Hindu Gods. All of the equipment required in yoga is provided for the convenience of the participants, as an experienced yoga teacher then instructs the class on what to do. Participants locate their desirable spot within the yoga hall, immediately entering a silent zone with their new focus on calming the body and bringing it into a zone of concentration. Participants are required to listen intently as they are guided by the yoga instructor. The voice of the instructor is very calm, directive yet kind and open to allow participants to feel comfortable and ask for assistance if needed. This enables participants to access an altered state of consciousness more comfortably with the option of assistance if it is needed. ‘The beautiful thing about yoga is that it’s not competitive. You work at your own pace, listening to your body, gradually encouraging it’ (The Australian School of Meditation and Yoga 2007).
The yoga and meditation experienced allows participants to relax their mind, body and soul from everyday stresses. The class is conducted in a silent group environment, which promotes individuals to collaboratively respect the atmosphere of the activity and understand people’s need to unwind from the everyday stresses of their contemporary lifestyles. As the class progresses over ninety-minutes, a deeper meaning is further developed for the individuals as they continue to combine exercise and mediation, embracing an altered state of consciousness and intensifying the altered state. This ultimately allows the individual to produce a harmonious balance throughout the mind, body and soul. Meditation is an important element of yoga and is described by the Australian School of Yoga and Meditation as the ‘spiritual essence of yoga’ (The Australian School of Meditation and Yoga 2007).
Meditation provides insights into the workings of the mind and emotions. It further helps you develop clarity and wisdom, gaining a greater understanding of life… In this consciousness a person is free from temporary worries, anxieties and concerns and is immersed in a higher spiritual happiness and inner peacefulness (The Australian School of Meditation and Yoga 2007).
Through the combined use of yoga and meditation, participants are able to focus intently on their activity, which ultimately eliminates the subconscious mind from manifesting throughout the yoga process. At the conclusion of class the participants are then instructed to lie down on their matts with closed eyes for a time of relaxed contemplation before returning back to their busy lifestyles. During this time of relaxation and contemplation the lights are dimmed and the altered state of consciousness experienced continues to deepen as the trance continues. After a while of laying down and relaxing, the class is then instructed to sit on their matts to listen to the instructor play melodic tunes on a guitar as chanting is then introduced to conclude the ritual. Participants are encouraged to join in with the chanting if they like, which finalizes the yoga class with a community feeling by bringing everyone together in a bond that they have just shared through experiencing an altered state. The entire process of the ninety-minute ritual is relaxing and riveting for the mind, body and soul. It allows an individual to exercise whilst entering a trance, not only stretching and assisting in maintaining a healthy body, but promoting a clear and harmonious outlook for an individual to see the world more clearly with a positive mindset.
As participants are then ready to leave the class with a new energy, there are refreshments provided by the Australian School of Meditation and Yoga consisting of some small cakes and water. This encourages participants to interact with one another, further enhancing the community feeling as everybody comes together to celebrate this altered state and body-healing process.
The entire process of yoga, meditation, relaxation, music and chanting brings about an individual harmony, yet also an community feeling as the ritual that is shared silently acknowledges every day stresses which are shared amongst us. It is a ritual that gives an individual strength to continue, as the healing process promotes us to move forward and work together.
Set yourself on the path to health and wellbeing. Become stronger, healthier and more flexible. Get into shape in a way that is less stressful on your body. Improve the quality of your life. Become physically and spiritually renewed through the time tested practices of the yoga lifestyle (The Australian School of Meditation and Yoga 2007).
By Arnikka de Kort
The Australian School of Meditation and Yoga is a centre located in the West End of Brisbane, promoting relaxation and inner peace through the wide variety of yoga and mediation classes they offer to the community. This particular school of yoga and meditation primarily targets young adults of different cultural backgrounds with its affordable prices and popular location. The Australian School of Meditation and Yoga is based within a comfortable wooden hall that is clean and tidy, decorated tastefully with lanterns and few posters representative of traditional Hindu Gods. All of the equipment required in yoga is provided for the convenience of the participants, as an experienced yoga teacher then instructs the class on what to do. Participants locate their desirable spot within the yoga hall, immediately entering a silent zone with their new focus on calming the body and bringing it into a zone of concentration. Participants are required to listen intently as they are guided by the yoga instructor. The voice of the instructor is very calm, directive yet kind and open to allow participants to feel comfortable and ask for assistance if needed. This enables participants to access an altered state of consciousness more comfortably with the option of assistance if it is needed. ‘The beautiful thing about yoga is that it’s not competitive. You work at your own pace, listening to your body, gradually encouraging it’ (The Australian School of Meditation and Yoga 2007).
The yoga and meditation experienced allows participants to relax their mind, body and soul from everyday stresses. The class is conducted in a silent group environment, which promotes individuals to collaboratively respect the atmosphere of the activity and understand people’s need to unwind from the everyday stresses of their contemporary lifestyles. As the class progresses over ninety-minutes, a deeper meaning is further developed for the individuals as they continue to combine exercise and mediation, embracing an altered state of consciousness and intensifying the altered state. This ultimately allows the individual to produce a harmonious balance throughout the mind, body and soul. Meditation is an important element of yoga and is described by the Australian School of Yoga and Meditation as the ‘spiritual essence of yoga’ (The Australian School of Meditation and Yoga 2007).
Meditation provides insights into the workings of the mind and emotions. It further helps you develop clarity and wisdom, gaining a greater understanding of life… In this consciousness a person is free from temporary worries, anxieties and concerns and is immersed in a higher spiritual happiness and inner peacefulness (The Australian School of Meditation and Yoga 2007).
Through the combined use of yoga and meditation, participants are able to focus intently on their activity, which ultimately eliminates the subconscious mind from manifesting throughout the yoga process. At the conclusion of class the participants are then instructed to lie down on their matts with closed eyes for a time of relaxed contemplation before returning back to their busy lifestyles. During this time of relaxation and contemplation the lights are dimmed and the altered state of consciousness experienced continues to deepen as the trance continues. After a while of laying down and relaxing, the class is then instructed to sit on their matts to listen to the instructor play melodic tunes on a guitar as chanting is then introduced to conclude the ritual. Participants are encouraged to join in with the chanting if they like, which finalizes the yoga class with a community feeling by bringing everyone together in a bond that they have just shared through experiencing an altered state. The entire process of the ninety-minute ritual is relaxing and riveting for the mind, body and soul. It allows an individual to exercise whilst entering a trance, not only stretching and assisting in maintaining a healthy body, but promoting a clear and harmonious outlook for an individual to see the world more clearly with a positive mindset.
As participants are then ready to leave the class with a new energy, there are refreshments provided by the Australian School of Meditation and Yoga consisting of some small cakes and water. This encourages participants to interact with one another, further enhancing the community feeling as everybody comes together to celebrate this altered state and body-healing process.
The entire process of yoga, meditation, relaxation, music and chanting brings about an individual harmony, yet also an community feeling as the ritual that is shared silently acknowledges every day stresses which are shared amongst us. It is a ritual that gives an individual strength to continue, as the healing process promotes us to move forward and work together.
Set yourself on the path to health and wellbeing. Become stronger, healthier and more flexible. Get into shape in a way that is less stressful on your body. Improve the quality of your life. Become physically and spiritually renewed through the time tested practices of the yoga lifestyle (The Australian School of Meditation and Yoga 2007).
By Arnikka de Kort
Where Two Rivers Meet: An Analysis of Trance and Ritual Practice in Fiji
Fiji has a reputation worldwide as being a country that welcomes tourists with open arms. Though much of Fijian society has been influenced by Western thought and philosophy, its indigenous culture still thrives. It is this connection to ancestral tradition and ritual practice, along with its beautiful landscapes and vistas, that makes Fiji such a popular tourist destination. Fijian eco-tourism has become increasingly popular in recent years due to the high demand for “indigenous knowledge” on the part of the Western tourist (Mulcock 50). I got the privilege to spend a week in Fiji in April of this year. Western, (though culturally conscious) tourist that I was, I decided to embark upon an eco-tour to a village called Namuamua. I found that Fijian ritual was permeated with emotion and trance-inducing practices, which were aimed at establishing a sense of community and shared experience.
Namuamua (‘where two rivers meet’) is hidden deep in the mountain rainforests located on the southern coast of Fiji’s main island, Viti Levu. Though Namuamua is accessible by car, the most efficient way of travelling there is by boat. I began my journey with a large group of tourists in the town of Navua, where we boarded our wooden longboats in pairs. Our Fijian guide sat at the back of the boat, guiding the motor that propelled us down the river. With each metre we travelled, the river narrowed and the mountains grew taller. As I noticed the cascading waterfalls and complete wilderness that surrounded me, I realized that this boat trip held much importance in itself. It was making all of us acutely aware of the depth and significance of our surroundings, so that we would have a context within witch to place the ritual we were about experience.
The sevusevu, or welcoming ceremony, commenced the minute we disembarked the boat. A longstanding part of Fijian culture, the sevusevu is a ceremony designed to bring communities together through the consumption of kava (Brisonb 48). Kava, an integral part of many Fijian ceremonies, is a root that is crushed into powder and steeped in water, like tea. It acts as a muscle relaxant, and often induces a mild state of euphoria. For Fijians, kava is what Hume (21) refers to as a “correspondence”: it connects this world to another spiritual realm. Specifically, kava connects “ancestral spirits of a particular location with a human community connected to that location” (Brisona 316). Through the sevusevu and kava ceremony, villagers affirm their positions as “guardians of a sacred tradition” (Brisona 326).
Directly following the chief’s welcome speech, the kava ceremony began. Every aspect of the ceremony was ritualised, from the way the kava was mixed, to the way it was served, down to the way it was consumed. Three male Namuamuans, covered in body paint and donning woven skirts, sat around a large wooden bowl of water, into which the man sitting in the middle dipped a satchel filled with kava. After the water had become a murky brown colour, the man removed the satchel and began mixing the liquid with a bowl-shaped coconut shell. Once the kava had been prepared, a very elaborately painted man emerged to serve the kava to our chief. The rest of us were offered our own bowls once our chief had imbibed his portion.
We were instructed that, in accepting the kava, we were to clap once and say ‘bula’ (‘hello’), and then drink the whole bowl in one fell swoop. Once we had finished, we were to clap three times and say ‘matha’ (‘finished’). This was not my first taste of kava, but it was my first time drinking kava in a ceremonial setting. I slowly noticed my tongue going numb and my body beginning to relax. While I was not in an altered state, I felt as though I might be standing on the threshold of some deeper spiritual experience.
The rest of the savusavu consisted of songs and dances, both those that were performed for us and those that we were encouraged to participate in. It was during this part of the ritual that I noticed people falling into trance states. These were not shifts that caused people to appear physically different than they had before. Rather, I realized in retrospect that many people present—villagers and tourists alike—had entered into a state of flow, or a rather indescribable feeling of an unbroken stream of awareness (Csikszentmihalyi 29). I say that I realized this in retrospect, because I myself had fallen into a flow state, and therefore did not come to many of these conclusions until after the ceremony. I was dancing and chanting along with the rest of the group with very little thought about what I was doing. It was not until I felt a tear roll down my cheek as I was listening to the villagers perform their second song that I became aware of my body again, and realized what a profound impact the ceremony was having on me.
While the dancing was largely responsible for maintaining people’s sense of flow, the singing in the ceremony seemed to be the primary flow inducer. The singing held a lot more emotional and cultural significance than the dancing, and was more of a central focus of the ceremony. This observation is supported by fieldwork done by Russell (197) on the significance of singing in Fijian culture. Russell suggests that singing “fosters group identity, helps us to know ourselves and others, and alleviates alienation,” and that it also “transmits the cultural values and products of a culture” (199). Russell asked one villager to describe the relationship between singing and religion in Fiji, to which the villager said: “singing is the religion” (205). This mindset was evident in the performances I witnessed in Namuamua. The songs were felt so powerfully by those singing them that they had no choice but to chant them as loudly as they could, clapping and rocking their bodies to the rhythm of the music.
Fachner suggests that “music creates the context, which fosters the onset of trance, regulates the form and process of trance and makes it foreseeable and controllable” (21). Though there have been no musical elements proven to be trance-inducing, there are some musical features that are more common to music associated with trance states. These features include repetition and rhythmic ebb and flow (22, 37), both of which were prevalent in the singing at Namuamua. The repetition was an especially powerful device, as it stood as a metaphor for the flow that many were experiencing on a larger level.
The savusavu lasted about 45 minutes. While it is difficult to say with certainty what the other tourists were thinking when the savusavu was over, the smiles on their faces indicated that at least it had been a pleasant experience for them. For myself, attending the savusavu was invaluable. I was reminded of the deep connection I have always had with music. Getting to hear foreign music in an environment that was so different than what I was used to was enlightening and extremely powerful. Additionally, I felt liberated by allowing myself to dance and experience flow, thereby participating in the ceremony wholeheartedly. The most important lesson I learned was that participating in rituals so deeply entrenched in tradition can instantly make you feel like you are apart of a larger community that has a greater purpose.
Works Cited
Brisona, Karen J. “Constructing Identity through Ceremonial Language in Rural Fiji.”
Ethnology 40.4 (2001): 309-327 (Print).
Brisonb, Karen J. “Crafting Sociocentric Selves in Religious Discourse in Rural Fiji.”
Ethos 29.4 (2001): 453-474 (Print).
Csikszentmihalyi, Mihaly. “The Flow Experience and its Significance for Human
Psychology.” Optimal Experience: Psychological Studies of Flow in
Consciousness. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988. 15-35 (Print).
Fachner, Jörg. "Music and Altered States of Consciousness: An Overview." Music and
Altered States - Consciousness, Transcendence, Therapy and Addictions. London:
Jessica Kingsley, 2006. 15-37 (Print).
Hume, Lynne. "Entrances and Exits." Portals: Opening Doorways to Other Realities
Through the Senses. Oxford: Berg, 2007. 1-24 (Print).
Mulcock, Jane. “(Re)Discovering Our Indigenous Selves: The Nostalgic Appeal of
Native Americans and Other Generic Indigenes.” Australian Religion Studies
Review 14.1 (2001): 45-64 (Print).
Russell, Joan. “Born to Sing: Fiji’s ‘Singing Culture’ and Implications for Music
Education in Canada.” McGill Journal of Education 36.3 (2001): 197-218 (Print).
Namuamua (‘where two rivers meet’) is hidden deep in the mountain rainforests located on the southern coast of Fiji’s main island, Viti Levu. Though Namuamua is accessible by car, the most efficient way of travelling there is by boat. I began my journey with a large group of tourists in the town of Navua, where we boarded our wooden longboats in pairs. Our Fijian guide sat at the back of the boat, guiding the motor that propelled us down the river. With each metre we travelled, the river narrowed and the mountains grew taller. As I noticed the cascading waterfalls and complete wilderness that surrounded me, I realized that this boat trip held much importance in itself. It was making all of us acutely aware of the depth and significance of our surroundings, so that we would have a context within witch to place the ritual we were about experience.
The sevusevu, or welcoming ceremony, commenced the minute we disembarked the boat. A longstanding part of Fijian culture, the sevusevu is a ceremony designed to bring communities together through the consumption of kava (Brisonb 48). Kava, an integral part of many Fijian ceremonies, is a root that is crushed into powder and steeped in water, like tea. It acts as a muscle relaxant, and often induces a mild state of euphoria. For Fijians, kava is what Hume (21) refers to as a “correspondence”: it connects this world to another spiritual realm. Specifically, kava connects “ancestral spirits of a particular location with a human community connected to that location” (Brisona 316). Through the sevusevu and kava ceremony, villagers affirm their positions as “guardians of a sacred tradition” (Brisona 326).
Directly following the chief’s welcome speech, the kava ceremony began. Every aspect of the ceremony was ritualised, from the way the kava was mixed, to the way it was served, down to the way it was consumed. Three male Namuamuans, covered in body paint and donning woven skirts, sat around a large wooden bowl of water, into which the man sitting in the middle dipped a satchel filled with kava. After the water had become a murky brown colour, the man removed the satchel and began mixing the liquid with a bowl-shaped coconut shell. Once the kava had been prepared, a very elaborately painted man emerged to serve the kava to our chief. The rest of us were offered our own bowls once our chief had imbibed his portion.
We were instructed that, in accepting the kava, we were to clap once and say ‘bula’ (‘hello’), and then drink the whole bowl in one fell swoop. Once we had finished, we were to clap three times and say ‘matha’ (‘finished’). This was not my first taste of kava, but it was my first time drinking kava in a ceremonial setting. I slowly noticed my tongue going numb and my body beginning to relax. While I was not in an altered state, I felt as though I might be standing on the threshold of some deeper spiritual experience.
The rest of the savusavu consisted of songs and dances, both those that were performed for us and those that we were encouraged to participate in. It was during this part of the ritual that I noticed people falling into trance states. These were not shifts that caused people to appear physically different than they had before. Rather, I realized in retrospect that many people present—villagers and tourists alike—had entered into a state of flow, or a rather indescribable feeling of an unbroken stream of awareness (Csikszentmihalyi 29). I say that I realized this in retrospect, because I myself had fallen into a flow state, and therefore did not come to many of these conclusions until after the ceremony. I was dancing and chanting along with the rest of the group with very little thought about what I was doing. It was not until I felt a tear roll down my cheek as I was listening to the villagers perform their second song that I became aware of my body again, and realized what a profound impact the ceremony was having on me.
While the dancing was largely responsible for maintaining people’s sense of flow, the singing in the ceremony seemed to be the primary flow inducer. The singing held a lot more emotional and cultural significance than the dancing, and was more of a central focus of the ceremony. This observation is supported by fieldwork done by Russell (197) on the significance of singing in Fijian culture. Russell suggests that singing “fosters group identity, helps us to know ourselves and others, and alleviates alienation,” and that it also “transmits the cultural values and products of a culture” (199). Russell asked one villager to describe the relationship between singing and religion in Fiji, to which the villager said: “singing is the religion” (205). This mindset was evident in the performances I witnessed in Namuamua. The songs were felt so powerfully by those singing them that they had no choice but to chant them as loudly as they could, clapping and rocking their bodies to the rhythm of the music.
Fachner suggests that “music creates the context, which fosters the onset of trance, regulates the form and process of trance and makes it foreseeable and controllable” (21). Though there have been no musical elements proven to be trance-inducing, there are some musical features that are more common to music associated with trance states. These features include repetition and rhythmic ebb and flow (22, 37), both of which were prevalent in the singing at Namuamua. The repetition was an especially powerful device, as it stood as a metaphor for the flow that many were experiencing on a larger level.
The savusavu lasted about 45 minutes. While it is difficult to say with certainty what the other tourists were thinking when the savusavu was over, the smiles on their faces indicated that at least it had been a pleasant experience for them. For myself, attending the savusavu was invaluable. I was reminded of the deep connection I have always had with music. Getting to hear foreign music in an environment that was so different than what I was used to was enlightening and extremely powerful. Additionally, I felt liberated by allowing myself to dance and experience flow, thereby participating in the ceremony wholeheartedly. The most important lesson I learned was that participating in rituals so deeply entrenched in tradition can instantly make you feel like you are apart of a larger community that has a greater purpose.
Works Cited
Brisona, Karen J. “Constructing Identity through Ceremonial Language in Rural Fiji.”
Ethnology 40.4 (2001): 309-327 (Print).
Brisonb, Karen J. “Crafting Sociocentric Selves in Religious Discourse in Rural Fiji.”
Ethos 29.4 (2001): 453-474 (Print).
Csikszentmihalyi, Mihaly. “The Flow Experience and its Significance for Human
Psychology.” Optimal Experience: Psychological Studies of Flow in
Consciousness. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988. 15-35 (Print).
Fachner, Jörg. "Music and Altered States of Consciousness: An Overview." Music and
Altered States - Consciousness, Transcendence, Therapy and Addictions. London:
Jessica Kingsley, 2006. 15-37 (Print).
Hume, Lynne. "Entrances and Exits." Portals: Opening Doorways to Other Realities
Through the Senses. Oxford: Berg, 2007. 1-24 (Print).
Mulcock, Jane. “(Re)Discovering Our Indigenous Selves: The Nostalgic Appeal of
Native Americans and Other Generic Indigenes.” Australian Religion Studies
Review 14.1 (2001): 45-64 (Print).
Russell, Joan. “Born to Sing: Fiji’s ‘Singing Culture’ and Implications for Music
Education in Canada.” McGill Journal of Education 36.3 (2001): 197-218 (Print).
Subscribe to:
Comments (Atom)